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French Minister Reopens Debate on Euthanasia
08.27.04 (9:24 am)   [edit]
French Health Minister Philippe Douste-Blazy reopened the thorny debate on euthanasia by calling for a law that would ensure the "right to die in dignity", but ruled out the legalization of mercy killing.


In an interview published in Le Figaro newspaper, Douste-Blazy said the lower-house National Assembly would examine a draft law before year's end on "end-of-life" care that would define the legal options for the terminally ill.

"The law must allow doctors to offer a cancer patient, when it is certain that his condition cannot be reversed, the choice between one more chemotherapy treatment or palliative care and the morphine drip," the minister said.

"In the world of medicine, there is a moment when the truth becomes obvious, when we know that the patient only has a few days left," added Douste-Blazy, a cardiologist by training.

"I am going to ask the prime minister (Jean-Pierre Raffarin) to launch a sweeping nationwide debate, under conditions that have not yet been defined, on end-of-life care, so that everyone can express themselves," he said.

The debate in France over euthanasia came to the forefront in September 2003 following the death of Vincent Humbert, a 22-year-old fireman who was left blind, mute and paralyzed after a road accident in 2000.

His mother Marie, who with her son had campaigned in vain for his right to die, administered an overdose of sedatives to her son, who lapsed into a coma. His doctors switched off his life support system two days later.

A special parliamentary commission formed in the wake of the Humbert case to analyze the complex issue in June recommended that the law on "end-of-life" care be clarified, but did not go so far as to condone mercy killing.

Douste-Blazy told Le Figaro that it was "necessary to show that euthanasia should be avoided. We must draw an inviolable line between those for whom there is no longer any hope and those for whom we know there is still hope."

The minister said it was time to "put an end to the hypocrisy going on right now, which is unacceptable," noting that 150,000 care-giving machines a year are unplugged on doctors' orders outside the confines of any formal framework.

"We must clarify the law," he told Le Figaro, recommending that the medical code of ethics and public health regulations be altered with respect to end-of-life care.

"The law will establish the right to die in dignity. Respect for life is respect for death," Douste-Blazy said.
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Regarding Today's Federal Court Ruling Regarding the Partial-Birth Abortion Ban Act
08.26.04 (3:10 pm)   [edit]
WASHINGTON (August 25, 2004) -- What follows is a comment from the National Right to Life Committee (NRLC) in Washington, D.C., regarding today's federal court ruling regarding the Partial-Birth Abortion Ban Act.
 
Federal District Judge Richard Casey in New York today ruled that the federal government cannot enforce the Partial-Birth Abortion Ban Act because the law conflicts with an earlier 5-4 Supreme Court ruling in favor of partial-birth abortion. 
 
Douglas Johnson, legislative director for the National Right to Life Committee (NRLC), commented:  "Judge Casey said his ruling was dictated by a 5 to 4 Supreme Court ruling in 2000, which held that Roe v. Wade protects partial-birth abortion.  Future appointments to the Supreme Court will determine whether it remains legal to mostly deliver living premature infants and painfully puncture their skulls.  President Bush is determined to ban partial-birth abortion, but John Kerry voted against the ban and has vowed that he will appoint only justices who agree with him."
 
Senator Kerry voted against passing the Partial-Birth Abortion Ban Act every chance he got -- six times.
 
President Bush signed the bill on November 5, 2003, saying that in partial-birth abortion "a terrible form of violence has been directed against children who are inches from birth."   The Bush Administration is currently defending the law against three separate legal challenges in three different federal courts.
 
In today's ruling, Judge Casey said, "The Court finds that the testimony at trial and before Congress establishes that D&X [partial-birth abortion] is a gruesome, brutal, barbaric, and uncivilized medical procedure." 
 
Judge Casey also wrote that "credible evidence that [such] abortions subject fetuses to severe pain.  Notwithstanding this evidence, some of Plaintiffs' experts testified that fetal pain does not concern them, and that some do not convey to their patients that their fetuses may undergo severe pain during a D&X [partial-birth abortion]."
 
On May 20, Senator Sam Brownback (R-Ks.) and Congressman Chris Smith (R-NJ) introduced the Unborn Child Pain Awareness Act (S. 2466, H.R. 4420).  This bill would require that abortionists provide women seeking any type of abortion past 20 weeks with certain information regarding the capacity of their unborn children to experience pain and regarding the availability of pain-reducing drugs.  For more information on the bill and on the issue of fetal pain, see
http://www.nrlc.org/abortion/fetal_pain/i ndex.html" title="http://www.nrlc.org/abortion/fetal_pain/i ndex.html" target="_blank"http://www.nrlc.org/abortion/...
 
The National Right to Life Committee maintains the most comprehensive collection of documentation on partial-birth abortion available anywhere on the Internet, at
http://www.nrlc.org/abortion/pba/index.html" title="http://www.nrlc.org/abortion/pba/index.html" target="_blank"http://www.nrlc.org/abortion/...
 
For a good primer on what the Partial-Birth Abortion Ban Act does and does not do, and on other disputed issues pertaining to partial-birth abortion, see the memo "Partial-Birth Abortion: Misconceptions and Realities," here:
http://www.nrlc.org/abortion/pba/PBAall11 0403.html" title="http://www.nrlc.org/abortion/pba/PBAall11 0403.html" target="_blank"http://www.nrlc.org/abortion/...
 
A collection of key documents pertinent to medical issues surrounding partial-birth abortion are posted here:
http://www.nrlc.org/abortion/pba/keymedic al.html" title="http://www.nrlc.org/abortion/pba/keymedic al.html" target="_blank"http://www.nrlc.org/abortion/...
0 Comments
 
Why vote?
08.26.04 (10:55 am)   [edit]

Well, it's not because you'll always get to have the final say between good and evil and cast that deciding ballot (although, some important elections have been a lot closer than you might think). Nevertheless, people do vote, so maybe we should ask: "Why do other people vote?"  Knowing some of the reasons that other people vote may resonate more than just some random website, ahem, telling you that "You oughtta."


Consider:









Reason people vote #1.


In a nutshell, it hasn't always been as easy
to vote as it is today.  Countless groups
here in the U.S. have had to struggle tremendously to gain meaningful access to
the ballot.  Blacks did not get the right to
vote until 1870 with the 15th Amendment, women in 1920 with the 19th Amendment, Native Americans until 1948, and 18-21 year-olds with the 26th Amendment.  And that's just the tip of the iceberg.  Their struggles reflect the importance of the vote. Perspectives on the hard fight to vote


Reason people vote #2.


People vote to send a message of approval or disapproval of the party in power. Politics majors, and their profs, call this "retrospective voting." Retrospective voting is interesting -- and it's kind of impressive that it happens -- because this kind of voting is not just a reaction to the current campaign, its ads, and its promises. Rather, retrospective voting is backward-looking and, specifically, focused on past policy actions. Retrospective voting is centered more on fundamental matters of governance than on the ephemeral, whiz-bang of campaigns and the issues they choose to focus on.

 

Reason people vote #3.


People vote to express a sense of attachment to a political party; that is, they vote out of party loyalty or party identification. "But I don't identify with a political party," you shout? Of course not. How old are you, anyway (um, I mean we)? How many chances have we had to actually vote? Or to go to a party caucus? You probably have had few, if any, opportunites to really get involved in the electoral process. But right now we do have free time, probably more than we will ever have again, in the rest of our life, as hard as that may be to believe. (Okay, so it may not always feel like it with so damn many books to read, papers to write, beers to drink-I mean, lectures to attend). But don't waste what you got. And while you're "not wasting it" read these last two darn good reasons.


Reason people vote #4


Voting is kind of like practicing for that band we mentioned (and if anyone actually attempts that musical combination we will kick ourselves). "What's the point? How much better will we get if we practice this week?" Voting is a single act but it usually happens as a part of a process. Again, people who vote don't just vote; they vote and they do lots of related things, like pay attention to news about politics and government, make their voice heard, discuss policy issues, donate time and money, attend meetings, etc. Like practicing your new sound, voting is just one thing you do as a part of a process of getting tighter and stronger - politically stronger.


Reason people vote #5.


Voting and being down with the political process is also a way to counteract the natural tendency of powerful organizations to cut themselves off from their roots (read: ignore the people they are supposed to care about). This tendency is what makes an organization, whether it's a political party or perhaps a certain College's bureaucracy, more hierarchical and more out-of-touch with its members and customers. By not participating, you just make it easier for them to do whatever they want, without regard to you and your interests. (They would probably thank you for doing nothing, if only they knew who the heck you were.)


Caveat:


However, political organizations are more open than you might think and, therefore, it's easier to get involved than you might think. That's because, despite #4, most organizations do act as though they are concerned with deriving the consent of the governed - or at least making a good show. This is because in a system of limited state power, like ours, governments can act only when they appear to have legitimate authority - that is, rulers can get away with being rulers only when we, the ruled, let them. The power of government, most Americans believe, is based on the idea of popular sovereignty -- the notion that the power to decide belongs to the people who only loan, not give, that power to governmental officials. Government officials act as though they too believe this (and some of them really do) and, as a result, they will do almost anything they can to create, protect, and enhance their appearance of legitimacy - and, therefore, their capacity to govern. "Almost anything?" you ask. Yes, including, if necessary, being open to your participation in the process.

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Poised to Cross Yet Another Ethical and Political Boundary
08.26.04 (10:42 am)   [edit]
Yesterday, we made a couple of initial points about the politics of "stem cell" research. Senator John Kerry is looking for a "wedge issue," something that might snip off a percentage of people who otherwise might well vote for President George W. Bush.

By promoting embryonic stem cells as a kind of high-tech elixir, an all-purpose concoction that will cure everything from Alzheimer's to Parkinson's by tomorrow afternoon, Kerry and his minions hope to paint Mr. Bush as a captive of flat-earth "fundamentalists." As Kerry is wont to say, "Here in America, we don't sacrifice science for ideology."

Columnist John Leo brilliantly unmasked Kerry's balderdash in a recent column. Leo wrote,

"This is a line he has been using for weeks. It delivers two messages, both false: (1) there is no legitimate moral issue here (though plenty of bioethicists and plenty of Kerry supporters think there is); and therefore (2) this is a one-sided issue, pitting enlightened people against backward ideological types. Kerry is demagoging the issue, but in a sophisticated way, echoing the debate at the Scopes trial (science vs. religion) without explicitly raising the religion issue. According to a report in The Washington Post, 'ideology trumps science' is the theme of a lobbying effort to discredit objections to more federal funding of embryonic stem cell research."

Clearly, if we're John Kerry, we ARE willing to sacrifice truth in a shameless campaign of disinformation.

In an article that appeared in the August 9 issue of American Demographics, we see this political calculation/mythology in its purest form. "This is the 'sleeper issue' of this campaign," says Bob Beckel, a former Democratic presidential candidate strategist. "It's more than just stem cell research--it's the symbolism of announcing a plan to eradicate major diseases, and part of the Baby Boomers' health care crisis."

However, as we discussed at the end of Wednesday's edition, when people are given options, they are far less supportive of lethally culling stem cells from tiny human embryos than the John Kerrys of this world are counting on.

Wilson Research Strategies, Inc., 1,000 national adults, August 16-18, 2004, margin of error 3.1%: Which of the following comes closest to your view?

1. Cloning to create human embryos for stem cell research which would kill them should be allowed and only cloning for reproduction should be banned: 24%
2. All human cloning should be banned: 69%
3. Don't know / refused: 7%
[Other questions and answers in this poll relating to stem cell research are found here:
http://www.nrlc.org/Killing_Embryos/NRLCS temCellPoll.pdf" title="http://www.nrlc.org/Killing_Embryos/NRLCS temCellPoll.pdf" target="_blank"http://www.nrlc.org/Killing_E... ]

International Communications Research, weighted sample of 1,001 adults, August 13-17, 2004, margin of error 3%:

Should scientists be allowed to use human cloning to create a supply of human embryos to be destroyed in medical research?
Yes: 13.3%
No: 79.8%
Don't know: 6.1%
Refused: 0.7%
[Other questions and answers in this poll related to cloning and other forms of embryonic stem cell research are found here: http://www.usccb.org/comm/arc... ]


If you are John Kerry, truth has this unfortunate habit of breaking through, like flowers through the cracks in city sidewalks.

One other related idea for today. William Saletan is a columnist for the online publication, Slate. Often he writes very well, usually in a manner that props up an intellectually shaky pro-abortion movement, occasionally in a way that supports the pro-life view.

It'd be hard to exaggerate how influential was Saletan's August 10 column. He begins by noting that the pro-embryonic stem cell movement's highly flattering self-image--its "conceit"--is the very opposite of what it has become: "political, ideological, and religious.

In their politicking, proponents are reduced to sloganizing, promising to lift an imaginary "ban on stem-cell research." But as Saletan writes, no such ban exists.

"Embryonic stem-cell research is unrestricted in the private sector. State and local governments can fund it as they wish. The federal government spent nearly $200 million on adult stem-cell research last year and nearly $25 million on research involving the roughly 20 approved embryonic lines."

Likewise, "The stem-cell movement has become ideological," he writes. Facts are "shaded," pollsters massage questions to get the "correct" answers, and "any limit on stem-cell funding must be vilified as immoral," according to Saletan.

The richest irony is that proponents have become what Saletan describes as "religious." A major problem for proponents is that what they need most--the possibility that embryonic stem cells can "cure" Alzheimer's--is a virtual impossibility, a "fairy tale, as a NIH researcher told Rick Weiss of the Washington Post. Such dream- weaving is a distortion--a simplistic "story line"--that proponents allow to float along out there largely unchallenged.

Saletan cites a number of expressions of quasi-mystical hope by proponents.


"A month later, on the eve of their convention, [House Minority Leader Nancy] Pelosi called stem-cell therapy 'the biblical power to cure.' At the [Democratic National] convention, Ron Reagan likened it to 'magic.' Reps. Diana DeGette of Colorado and Tammy Baldwin of Wisconsin trumpeted its 'medical miracles.' Rep. James Langevin of Rhode Island, a paraplegic, proclaimed his 'strong faith that we will find a cure.' 'I believe one day I will walk again,' said Langevin, adding, 'Embryonic stem cell research offers new dreams to so many people.' Democrats even engraved the myth in their platform: 'Stem-cell therapy offers hope to more than 100 million Americans who have serious illnesses—from Alzheimer's to heart disease to juvenile diabetes to Parkinson's.'"

However, "Kerry's appeals to faith and prayer don't end there," Saletan writes. "He asks voters to believe, on the same spiritual basis, that science will create ethical boundaries for itself." In a speech promoting stem-cell research, Kerry said, "I have full faith that our scientists will go forward with a moral compass," adding (according to Saletan) that we must "pursue the limitless potential of science—and trust that we can use it wisely."

Kerry is counting on aging Baby Boomer angst to camouflage the real status of the research [i.e., the "fact there has not been a single human trial of an embryonic stem cell therapy," according to Eric Cohen] as compared to adult-stem-cell and related tissue therapies which, Wesley Smith writes, "are already treating human maladies." Indeed,"[T]he science is moving forward at an exhilarating pace both here and abroad in animal and human studies."

We shall turn to these truths in tomorrow's concluding installment.

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Kerry Poised to Cross Yet Another Ethical and Political Boundary
08.25.04 (3:07 pm)   [edit]
"The lobby for embryonic stem cell funding is deeply dishonest. It involves a 'ban' that isn't a ban, a claim of cures 'right on our fingertips' (John Kerry) that falsely implies an early cure for Alzheimer's, and a discounting of promising stem cell research that doesn't involve the creation and destruction of embryos (cells from umbilical cords and adult bone marrow and teeth). Kerry and the Democrats have a case to make. They just don't want to make it honestly."

Columnist John Leo

"With the salesmanship of a faith healer, Kerry dangled promises no responsible scientist would countenance."

Slate columnist William Saletan


"John Kerry's assertions about stem cell research are so obviously untrue and so easily refuted that he must on some level actually believe them--as only an ideologue can."

Eric Cohen, writing in the Weekly Standard


If you think you've heard a lot about "stem cells" so-far, hold on to your hats. To Senator John Kerry, a man still groping for a justification for his candidacy, it must seem as if a gift has been dropped from the sky.

Provided the press gives him a bye [and what are the chances of that?], the junior senator from Massachusetts will continue to promise the moon, extolling what he and kindred partisans modestly describe as stem cells' "magical"--make that "biblical power"-- to cure. They are, of course, talking about embryonic stem cells--cells carved out of living human embryos--but this specificity is often lacking, part of a larger program of misinformation.

Author Saul Bellow once observed, "A great deal of intelligence can be invested in ignorance when the need for illusion is deep." That's a nice way of saying that when rampant error is multiplied by indifference to ethical concerns and compounded by a cavalier disregard for elementary fact checking, it takes a while to shift through all the intellectual wreckage.

Let's start with a couple of examples. In a recent radio address, Kerry stated, "At this very moment, some of the most pioneering cures and treatments are right at our fingertips, but because of the stem-cell ban, they remain beyond our reach."

In a recent overwrought op-ed written for the Washington Post by embryonic stem cell proponents Ruth R. Faden and John D. Gearhart, we're lectured that President Bush "believes that the destruction of embryos can never be morally justified, no matter how much human suffering might be alleviated, even if the embryos are only still a clump of cells not visible to the human eye and even if the embryos will be destroyed in any event in fertility clinics where they are no longer needed."

Beginning tomorrow or Friday, we'll try to make sense of such wildly misleading statements. Suffice it to say here that there is no "ban" on stem cell research. The federal government has poured hundreds of millions into morally acceptable stem cell research, and states and private entrepreneurs are free to pour in their own resources.

Moreover, contrary to Faden and Gearhart, there are enormous ethical issues at stake, not only in embryonic stem cell research and cloning per se, but also in a move in the direction of what Eric Cohen calls "the normalization of the radical in biotechnology." Finally, while it sounds reassuring, in truth all "cures" from embryonic stem cells are theoretical, while the dangers surrounding the commodification of human life are all too real.

Let me devote the remainder of Part One to the politics of Kerry et. al's excursions into stem cell fantasy.

Sen. Kerry, as we all well know, comes into this campaign weighed down with considerable baggage, including a fondness for abortion that includes defending even partial-birth abortion. What to do?

As we've talked about many times here and in National Right to Life News, Kerry has feinted several times in a pseudo-pro-life direction. He trusts that the public, which only vaguely follows most issues, will conclude he is, in his heart of hearts (if not in his voting record) vaguely "pro-life" or at least not a hard-core pro-abortionist.

Someone once said to me Kerry is like a horse with a bit in his mouth. Pulling on it is NARAL and Planned Parenthood. This is nice imagery but completely misleading. Kerry needs no coaxing to aggressively advance the pro-abortion cause.

So, what are his options? As much as possible move the discussion away from abortion, which hurts Kerry, onto something else, which (if properly manipulated) might help Kerry.

Early on, Kerry obviously looked at polling data which show that when the question is poorly worded, it appears as if the public supports embryonic stem cell research. As NRLC's Legislative Director Douglas Johnson has pointed out, Kerry has gone even further, co-sponsoring a bill to allow the mass creation of human embryos by cloning solely for research, as long as they are not allowed to continue developing past 14 days. This stance was reaffirmed by Kerry policy director Sarah Bianchi who, according to the August 10 Wall Street Journal, "says the Kerry bill prohibits cloned embryos from developing for more than 14 days or from being implanted in a uterus so they could produce live births."

But, as is so often the case with Kerry, he has beaten a kind of retreat. On August 19, Bianchi said that Kerry "absolutely [does] not" favor creating human embryos for research? Why the pullback, at least rhetorically? According to NRLC's Johnson,

"Perhaps the Kerry campaign's internal polling has found results similar to those of two new polls, which were conducted independently in mid-August using scientific polling methods (by coincidence, both were released on August 23)." Both showed strong opposition to using human cloning to create human fodder for "medical research."

Kerry will, of course, continue to press his case, confident that a supplicant press will let him get away with shameless hype. Tomorrow, we'll continue our excavation.
0 Comments
 
it's important for young people to vote
08.25.04 (10:51 am)   [edit]
 

Why it's important for young people to vote.




Your vote does count


You may be asking yourself, "Why should I bother to vote? Does my vote count? It's not likely that there's going to be a tie and my vote will be the deciding vote. The same people will win whether I vote or not. So why should I vote?" These are good questions, and it is true that the chances of breaking a tie are not good. But there are other reasons to vote and your vote counts in ways you never thought of.

The government doesn't know who you voted for, but they do know whether or not you voted. They track information for statistical purposes to determine how many young people are voting as compared to other age groups. That way politicians know what age groups to target in order to win elections. The fact that you even voted adds one vote to the number of young people who participated.

cover Old people are the most reliable voters. They have the highest percentage of voters of any age group. And because of that, old people get what they want. If you're running for public office, you better be protecting the interests of old people because old people will vote you out. On the other hand, young people don't vote in large numbers and it's not worth a politicians time to put a lot of effort in courting the young vote. Not that youth isn't important, but if politician A focuses on the young voters and politician B focuses on the old voters, politician B wins, because old people turn out. Turn out is very important because the people who turn out and vote are the ones that rule. If you don't turn out, you lose.

If you show up and vote, and get your friends to show up and vote, you are doing a service to the interests of young people, even if you vote for the wrong person. I wouldn't worry too much about voting for the wrong person the first time. Like I said, it's not likely your vote will be the deciding vote. But if a lot of young people show up and vote, the politicians will get the message that young people are a political force to be reckoned with. The needs of the youth will become more important to elected officials. They'll be more interested in what you need if you turn out to vote.

Even registering to vote sends a message. The government collects statistics on what age groups are registered to vote. If you are registered you become a potential voter. When the word gets out that record numbers of young people are registering to vote, politicians will get the message and will be more interested in what's important to young people. It helps you and young people everywhere if you register to vote.

cover What kind of difference will it make? Suppose a politician is thinking about a big tax cut for the rich and funding it by cutting school loan programs. They look at the old rich voters who vote and give money as opposed to kids who don't show up and vote. That makes them think about taking your school money and giving it to the fat cats. If an honest politician runs against them supporting education and the future of America, the honest politician loses to the crook and the fat cats. Why? Because you didn't show up to vote. By just showing up you change the percentage of young voters and get them more interested in your ideas and opinions.

This world isn't a fair world. If you want to get what you want you have to go out and go after it. You can't count on "them" taking care of you. So if you want to make a difference and be somebody, get registered, and go vote.




Being Politically Effective


cover Many young people wonder, "What can one person do?" You would be amazed by what one person can do if you're willing to get involved. One person, you, can make all the difference by being in the right place at the right time and saying the right thing. You can change the world and make this world a better place. All you have to do is learn how to be politically effective. And if you look over my web site, you'll get an idea how this is done.

Again, the first step is to register to vote and show up to vote on election day. That get's you in the process. But there are several other things you can do to. Politicians travel a lot and come to your town. When they do, go there and meet them. When you meet them, tell them what your interested in. Sometimes they actually listen. If you want to be in the right place, go to where the people who are elected are.

2 Comments
 
The Death of Morality
08.25.04 (10:39 am)   [edit]

It is difficult to gain attention in an era that uses superlatives to describe dishwashing liquid and mayonnaise. Perhaps speaking simply and directly might prove such an oddity that words may again have their proper power. And so, here it is: The greatest moral crisis is now upon us.


I don’t mean the continual, factory slaughter of thousands of babies a day; or the endless parade of carnal innovations mincing across the public square, howling for recognition; or even the redefinition of marriage to include the indefinite union of anything. These are effects, more or less, of the real moral crisis.


The real moral crisis is this: that we, among all human beings who have ever lived, face the end of morality as such. Abortion and infanticide have existed before. So have homosexuality and pedophilia. Exclusive, lifelong heterosexual monogamy was, largely, a Christian mandate, and therefore variations on the definition of marriage are not difficult to come by historically. If these ills were all that plagued us, we would only be facing an especially ugly relapse into the darkness of paganism. But underneath these ills lies a darkness against which even the darkness of paganism is light—the rejection of human nature itself, and hence the rejection of all morality.


The Real Darkness


It is difficult, when our eyes continually have to adjust to each new wave of moral darkness, to be asked to focus on the very heart of darkness. There is at least some form and feature still visible on the current moral landscape, and our eyes are naturally drawn to distinguish things by what light remains. For example, we judge homosexual marriage to be a distortion of heterosexual marriage. Yet if we are to have any hope at all of a new dawn, we must recognize that darkness “without form and void,” into which, like a voracious black hole, the light is so quickly receding. Difficult as it may be, then, we must focus on what it means to reject human nature, that is, to treat human beings as if, ultimately, they were a thing “without form and void.”


How to get at it? How to focus on what amounts to a negation? Perhaps by way of an illustration. Recently, scientists led by Tomohiro Kono, a biologist at the Tokyo University of Agriculture, have created baby mice without the introduction of sperm. They have done so by using two female eggs and genetically “tricking” one of them to function as if its genes came from sperm. It took 457 “reconstructed” eggs, 371 of which survived to be implanted in females, and ten of which made it through gestation. Only one, named Kayuga, made it to adulthood—and, oddly enough, after successfully mating with a male, she had a litter the old-fashioned way. The most common headline for the Kayuga story? “The End of Males.”


Think it’s a long way from mice to men? Then you don’t know the very short history of in vitro fertilization techniques, begun with mice and now commonplace among us. Indeed, in vitro fertilization makes a nice additional illustration of the same point. When I was a teenager, not so very long ago, we used to have a joke based on the propensity of social scientists to announce the obvious as if it were a statistical revelation. “Fifty percent of married people are women,” we’d proclaim with mock scientific grandeur. That was before men wanted to marry men or, even more important, before two women could avoid the matrimonial necessity of a male through in vitro fertilization.


The negation of maleness spells the end of all moral distinctions based on sexuality. For all of human history, the distinction between male and female has been the most natural and primal, and it’s the one on which any moral distinctions in regard to sexuality and marriage are grounded (however badly such distinctions have been drawn and upheld). If male and female are uprooted as natural and necessary distinctions, then all moral distinctions flowing from them shall likewise be destroyed. A ban on gay marriage won’t be necessary; marriage itself will soon disappear, gone the way of parchment, horse-drawn carriages, phonographs, and dial phones.


What we face, then, is the ever more speedy replacement of moral questions with technical questions, so that the moral question “Ought we to do this?” is giving way to the merely technical “Can we do this?” As the “cans” become ever more technically effective, the “oughts” will sputter out their respective swan songs, fade, and then dissipate.


Genesis Undone


We must view this unprecedented phenomenon theologically in order to see its full import. What we are striving for, through ever greater technical power and prowess, is the complete unraveling of what God so tightly bound in creation. Insofar as we have been successful, we are now witnessing the creation account running backwards, form driven back to formlessness, distinction back to a void, light back to darkness. To return to our example, all moral distinctions in regard to sexuality come from sexuality itself, the natural capacity to procreate, to “become one flesh” (Genesis 2:24) in the union of one male and one female. From this fundamental distinction flows not only the very definition of marriage and its perfection, but also the prohibitions against adultery, sex before marriage, homosexuality, contraception, incest, masturbation, bestiality, and pornography. These prohibitions are in one way or another a perversion, a turning away, from the fundamental natural sexual distinction.


Absent this distinction, no moral distinctions can emerge. Angels, as pure spirits, are not divided into male and female. They are not prohibited from adultery because they cannot commit it. They cannot lament the failures of marriage because they cannot succeed at it. They are not wracked by controversies regarding homosexuality because they are not sexual at all.


Enter the technical drive to knead human sexuality like clay—to form men out of women, women out of men with transgendering surgery; or to make “bone of my bones, and flesh of my flesh” through cloning; or all of oneself to “be fruitful and multiply” through genetic manipulation of ova—and the natural division between male and female has been all but erased. The ultimate result is not the creation of pure spirits, we note, but non-gendered sexual demons, like rock singer Marilyn Manson, who mix indiscriminate appetite for sexual pleasure with a lust for disorder itself as the negation of created order. It was with great theological insight that Mel Gibson had Satan appear as androgynous in The Passion of the Christ. Androgyny is the negation of gender, the unraveling denial of the divinely ordained distinction between male and female.


In seeking to remove the divinely ordained natural sexual distinction, we have moved beyond perversion to cosmological rebellion. Perversion distorts what is natural, even while it presupposes it. Homosexual activists now seeking to avail themselves of the name and benefits of monogamous marriage presuppose that marriage is a permanent and exclusive union between two human beings, but that framework itself emerges from the truth that the sexual union of one male and one female produces a quite permanent and indissoluble living union, a child. Circumvent the sexual necessity for male and female to make a child, and blur, smear, and stir male and female like so much paint, and marriage as a moral structure will simply decay through disuse. Behold, the end of marriage—even the perverted form of homosexual marriage.


We may rightly call this cosmological rebellion, and not mere perversion, for two reasons. First, it does not constitute a merely parasitic distortion of what is natural. Ancient homosexuality, such as we find it among the Greeks, elevated sexual pleasure between males above sexual pleasure between male and female, but still relied on heterosexual intercourse for procreation according to the dictates of nature. Male and female were distorted, but not destroyed. We, on the other hand, in our rebellion against nature, are attempting to destroy male and female as such.


Second, one detects more than a little whiff of brimstone in all of this. As C. S. Lewis noted in his Screwtape Letters, Satan cannot create, and since every rival attempt to produce order would merely be an imitation of God’s ordering wisdom and power, then the Evil One must destroy in order to rebel. We seem to be urged, relentlessly drawn, toward the destruction of sexual distinction in the abyss of sexual androgyny and genderless procreation. Marilyn Manson is not an isolated case of perversion. He/she/it is a glimpse of the end of morality, the darkness toward which we are now racing, beyond all moral distinctions, beyond good and evil.


But if such is the end of morality, when did the project to unravel all moral distinctions begin?


The Beginning of the End


It would be tempting to blame the notorious philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche for ushering in the destruction of morality. It was he, after all, who famously declared that all moral distinctions were arbitrary, arising not from nature but from the will to power of a particular person or people. Hence his famous work, Beyond Good and Evil (1886).


Tempting as that may be, because of the power of his philosophical prose and its effect both on his fellow Germans and on liberal intellectuals, the blame would be misplaced. Nietzsche was not a philosophical prophet but an astute reader of the times, picking up and lionizing an already existing Promethean tendency in the West.


We would do better to travel to England, not Germany, and examine the arguments of Francis Bacon (1561-1626) and then Charles Darwin (1809-1882). Bacon is rightly considered to be one of the great founders of modern science. It would be more accurate, since he himself had no laboratory and made no discoveries, to call him the founder of the Promethean aspect of the modern scientific spirit.


Bacon asserted that both philosophy and science had hitherto proved entirely ineffective and sterile because human beings had foolishly taken nature as it presents itself to be the standard of both thinking and acting. Against this, Bacon argued that “a new way must be opened for the human understanding entirely different from any hitherto known.” The new approach to nature? Replace passive acceptance of the natural order with active testing and remolding of nature wherein “by art and the hands of man she [nature personified] is forced out of her natural state, and squeezed and moulded.” Truth, then, does not arise from acceptance and contemplation of nature; rather, truth is what we make. Nature becomes the clay; the scientist, as a kind of semi-deity, becomes the potter, remolding nature according to his will.


Sweeping aside all previous philosophical and theological controversies, Bacon assured his disciples, “I am laboring to lay the foundation, not of any sect or doctrine, but of human utility and power.” Utility and power, as Nietzsche realized several centuries later, doesn’t ask, “What is good and evil?” but rather, “What do I want?” This focus on the will goes beyond good and evil and creates through technical power the ever-greater mastery over nature. The question becomes not what ought to be done but what can be done. While Bacon didn’t apply his arguments directly to the remolding of human nature—except insofar as he made some rather vague promises about the possibility that medicine might grant a real, this-worldly immortality—it takes little imagination to make that obvious step. If the rest of nature is clay, then why not human nature?


Darwin has nearly the status of a saint for modern secularism, and the cultural reverence paid to him has tended to scare off Christians—especially Catholics—from criticizing him. That might change if we understood the true import of his theory. While Bacon aroused the spirit of limitless technical manipulation of nature in general by a new army of Promethean potters, it was Darwin who focused on the ultimate formlessness of human nature in particular. He provided the argument that underneath the apparent permanence of human nature, we ultimately find formless clay, cast and recast a thousand times by the vagaries of natural selection.


Darwin himself realized the alarming nature of his theory and judiciously avoided any mention of human nature in his first and greatest work, The Origin of Species (1859). His silence ended with his Descent of Man, published twelve years after the first edition of the Origin. In his Descent, Darwin made it quite clear that all we think of as specifically human can be explained as the result of natural selection—reason, morality, conscience, religion, music, art, and even the distinction between male and female itself all came about by the same random processes that molded the variety of finch beaks on the Galapagos Islands.


But what nature molds by accident, man may mold to suit his ends. After all, Darwin reminded the reader, such remolding of the clay of nature already occurs among animal breeders through artificial selection. If we take such “scrupulous care” of our “horses, cattle, and dogs,” should we not apply the science of artificial selection to human beings as well? For the good of the race, Darwin maintained, we must take our evolution into our own hands. Thus, Darwin quite clearly advocated eugenics, although it was his cousin Francis Galton, enamored by the Origin, who coined the term. (Those who still doubt that Darwin’s arguments were essentially and consciously eugenic should read not only Darwin’s Descent, but my Moral Darwinism and Richard Weikart’s From Darwin to Hitler: Evolutionary Ethics, Eugenics, and Racism in Germany.)


If we unite Bacon with Darwin, we have the essential spirit of the contemporary attempt to re-create human nature according to an image as yet to be announced. If sexual dimorphism—male and female—is merely the result of the random shuffling and mutations on a string of DNA among our very distant biological ancestors, then there’s little reason to resist the technical urge to redraw sexual boundaries or simply erase them altogether.


So it is, in our society now, that a great division arises between those who recoil in horror at the latest macabre manipulation of human nature as unnatural and those who rejoice at the very same manipulations as signs of humanity’s liberation from nature, between those who happily submit to biology as destiny and those who believe that our destiny is to have complete mastery over biology. This is, to say the least, no small battle; indeed, it is difficult to see what battle would be greater.


The End of Catholic Morality


If Catholics still have trouble getting their feathers ruffled over this, perhaps it would help to state the situation more directly. Catholic morality is based on the natural law. The natural law, as St. Thomas makes clear, is simply the law of our being, that is, the set of moral “oughts” that flow from the “is” of our particular nature. The Baconian-Darwinian project to treat human nature as clay to be remolded by everything from plastic surgery to genetic manipulation is a direct attack on the natural law because it’s a direct attack on our nature. If it were to succeed, Catholic morality would be shown to be utterly without foundation, fit only for history’s dustbin, taking its place alongside Ptolemaic geocentrism, phlogiston theory in chemistry, and the ether in physics as a well-developed theory that was shown, under scientific scrutiny, to be based on fundamental errors about nature.


“Catholics thought,” some supercilious history professor of the not-too-distant future will say with a smirk, “that human nature itself was some kind of an eternal given, that it provided a kind of impassable limit, and that from the ‘eternal givens’ [chuckle!] of human nature something called ‘mo-ral-i-ty’ [and here he/she/it will need to spell this strange word] arose from these givens. This is a somewhat understandable error. Just as it appears that the sun is rising, so also it appeared to them that human beings could only be created in the same way as is common among other animals. This lack of imagination was rooted in a lack of technology. We note this pattern in a number of areas. Telescopes allowed human beings to see that the vastness of the cosmos demonstrated how insignificant a speck they were, and hence they wisely gave up the belief that the Earth was at the center of the universe. So also, the new genetic technologies have made clear: ‘Our only limit is our imagination!’”


And then the professor will lean over the podium, pause for effect, and don a mournful, accusing countenance. “While that may have been a somewhat understandable error, Catholics went further and built an entire system of persecution upon this error. Since they could procreate only through the animal act of male-female intercourse—a process that was itself a kind of biological fluke!—they condemned, nay persecuted, hunted down, attacked any other kind of sexual expression. We can all be thankful those days are over.”


Science Fiction?


Sound like science fiction? A mere literary scare tactic? Well, try this literary exercise. Read Aldous Huxley’s dystopian classic Brave New World, the prophetic science-fiction satire written in 1932. Huxley attempted to paint a nightmarish world in which sexual pleasure has been utterly divorced from love through the use of the test-tube creation of human beings and contraception. The novel was set 600 years in the future, but alas, by the end of the 20th century, so much of the prophecy had become fact that it has almost no effect on readers, and what was meant to frighten now seems merely quaint. I know this as a college professor who has tried to use Brave New World in class. Huxley imagined that the loveless factory production of human beings would turn sex into a mere commonplace recreational activity—but his imagined sexual free-for-all is entirely heterosexual! As for the technical aspect of things, ever try to frighten a class of undergrads with the specter of babies being made in test tubes, only to find out that an increasing number of the students themselves are, in one way or another, test-tube babies?


In regard to the destruction of moral boundaries, then, science fact is outpacing science fiction. For this reason, all that is needed for the triumph of evil, and the subsequent negation of the distinction between good and evil itself, is a smug complacency, an “Oh, they’ll never do that!” Soon enough, even that, whatever that may happen to be, will be so well-established as to seem old-fashioned in comparison with what’s on the horizon. Once we eliminate the notion that human nature is a given and hence that our very nature sets a limit to what we can and should do, then the distinction between science fiction and science fact is merely temporal. Such should be clear, given the speed with which science fictions have become science facts in the last half-century.


That makes it rather easy to be a prophet. Allow me to assume a momentary mantle. The history professor in my fictional exercise above? Expect that within ten years, advanced surgical techniques and tissue cloning will result in “designer gender,” where consumers will choose not only what sexual parts they desire but how many and where to put them. Mark my words on your calendars.


The End of the End


I do not want to give readers the false impression that the only moral distinctions now being erased are between male and female. To take another, even more startling example, the lines are now being technically redrawn between human beings and animals. According to the Baconian-Darwinian project, human beings are just one more transient form that the clay of matter has taken. Thus, as Darwin made quite clear in his Descent, the species distinction “human being” has an ephemeral, not eternal, foundation. But this very distinction is the foundation of the command “Thou shalt not kill.” The prohibition against the murder of innocent human beings presupposes that (1) killing a gnat, a cow, and a human being are very different acts and (2) there is a real difference between living and nonliving beings. Absent these distinctions, the prohibition against killing human beings is merely a parochial and groundless taboo.


Obviously, the presence of abortion has helped immensely to establish the treatment of human beings as mere matter, mere stuff to be disposed of according to our convenience. But an offshoot of abortion is the entire industry bent on the use of such ill-gained “tissue” for medical purposes. As we slide back further into the void, into grayer and grayer realms, medical purposes will soon include health and beauty, so that such techno-cannibalism will spread to products throughout the local drugstore. As demand grows, especially for more advanced flesh, not only will women be paid to grow “fetal tissue” but pharmaceutical laboratories will include embryonic farms.


Killing and not killing, human and nonhuman, living and nonliving, light and dark—all such distinctions that emerge in the Genesis account will recede back into the void, a void beyond all good and evil. “Should we do this?” will then mean only “Is this economically feasible?”


The Last Battle


Such is the real moral crisis, the greatest one possible, since upon its outcome hinges the existence of morality itself. The good news is, oddly, that it is still a crisis; that is, human nature hasn’t been destroyed yet. It is still possible that human nature may be salvaged from the ruins of the project to reconstruct it according to our will.


For Catholics, this is an especially important call to arms. Catholicism almost alone among Christianity roots its moral arguments in the natural law, and hence it has fought almost alone to keep what God has joined and distinguished in creation from falling asunder into indistinction and confusion. To take an important example, almost alone it has rejected the severing of sexual union from procreation through contraception and in vitro fertilization. As should be clear from the above, this severing, which looked so innocent to mainline and even evangelical Protestantism, was the beginning of the end of morality in regard to sexuality. May the realization of this bring about a great ecumenical moment.


We can expect, then, a great battle between those who regard human nature as the sacrosanct origin of all moral distinctions and those who regard human nature as clay under construction. It will be, for all of humanity, the last battle, for it is a battle over the existence of humanity itself.


Benjamin D. Wiker is a senior fellow at the Discovery Institute and a lecturer in theology and science at Franciscan University of Steubenville. He is the author of Moral Darwinism: How We Became Hedonists and Architects of the Culture of Death with Donald DeMarco (Ignatius). He is also currently working on a book titled The Meaning-Full Universe. His Web site is www.benjaminwiker.com.

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A One Issue Organization and Voter
08.25.04 (5:22 am)   [edit]
Over the years, many people, including me, have been on the receiving end of intense, emotionally-charged denunciations for our alleged failure to be "truly" pro-life. Before I go one sentence further, let me be clear that, overwhelmingly, those who bother to call, write, and e-mail are utterly sincere. While there are some who hope to blow on the embers of disagreement in the hope that the Movement will go up in flames, they represent a tiny minority.

The last call I received before I went on vacation and the first call I received when I came back were from women who about took my head off. In a nutshell, what they said (through increasingly clenched teeth, I suspect) was how "dare I" [meaning NRLC] "confine" or "reduce" being pro-life to opposing abortion, euthanasia, and assisted suicide.

Judging by their comments and the people whom they criticized by name, I believe they could fairly be described as "liberals." But I've been on the receiving end of withering criticism from people who would, I believe, readily accept the label "conservative."

Obviously, the two camps differ on what concerns they raise, but they have in common the idea that if NRLC were "truly pro-life," it would (a) add additional issues to our roster of concerns, which, oh by the way, often would mean (b) that candidate "X" flunks the "truly pro-life" test.

Here, in a nutshell, was what I said, plus a couple of things I should have said.

There are a million, mostly negative, stereotypes about pro-lifers, but the one that perhaps is both the most off-base and the most helpful to the pigeon-holing-happy media is that pro-lifers are about as diverse as the population of Greenland. But this is simply not true.

That there are more of one category of people [take your pick] than others--well, duh, of course. But that's about as far as the generalizations work.

Our Movement is comprised of far more women than men, and that most certainly includes leadership positions. It is much younger--and I do mean MUCH younger--than, say, PPFA or NARAL, which has admitted as much, sometimes quite publicly.

There is a tremendous diversity of opinion on collateral issues which really shows up when you talk with or read interviews with campus pro-lifers. When reporters press for background details, these students offer up a wide range of views on a whole spectrum of issues, from the war on terrorism, to the economy, to the best way to fight poverty, to education--you name it. The difference is--as opposed to the two women who chastised me up one side and down the other—that they prioritized opposition to abortion, euthanasia, and assisted suicide.

Understand, that they (and we) never say there ARE no other important issues. Of course there are.

What we do say as a single-issue, non-denominational Movement comprised of disparate individuals and groups is that these are the MOST important issues, so important/crucial/pivotal that our consciences dictate that they constitute the matrix for deciding whom to vote for.

Some people who sincerely oppose these evils subsume them in a wider net of issues. Where we differ is not on whether these are significant issues but in the greater moral weight we assign to opposing abortion, euthanasia, and assisted suicide.

I am trying neither to trivialize the objections of those who read us the riot act or unfairly simplify the debate when I say that without the right to life, no other rights are possible. This is the bottom line for single-issue pro-life voters.

Put another way, the Pro-Life Movement is a coalition of people of widely varying views. Move the discussion off onto any other issue and you will find opinions that run the gamut from A to Z. That has been the case since NRLC was incorporated in 1973. My guess is that as our Movement increasingly is blessed by the infusion of young people, those differences will only grow in a culture that grows less homogenous every year.

My telephone correspondents came into our discussion with different assumptions. Alas, they left the discussion with them intact. And for some people, so will it be always.

But by maintaining with laser-like intensity our single-issue focus, NRLC has been able to accomplish what is, when you think about the array of forces aligned against us, nothing short of amazing.

Our Political Action Committee had tremendous success in both 2000 and 2002. We have a burgeoning network of grassroots organizations from Alaska to Florida, Maine to California.

All public opinion polls show a decided shift in the direction of opposition to abortion on demand. Young people are flocking to our side.

All in all, I think it is absolutely true to say that we are (to borrow an observation from another setting) "the unfiltered voice of democracy."

And we are able to fight against media orthodoxy in a far more effective way than we were able to only a decade ago. To be sure, the jury is still out on whether we win the battle against lethal embryonic stem cell research and cloning that requires the destruction of human embryous, but without our Movement's growth in sophistication, we wouldn't have a prayer.

Were we to listen to the siren call of changing/enlarging/alteri ng our mission statement, all we have worked for for three decades would be lost in a heartbeat.

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THE TRIUMPH OF THE BANALITY OF EVIL
08.24.04 (3:14 pm)   [edit]
The late philosopher Hannah Arendt wrote brilliantly on the causes of totalitarianism, especially as it occurred in Nazi Germany. Perhaps her most memorable phrase-used to describe the way in which Germans became almost immune to human suffering-was the "banality of evil."

That phrase applies equally well today to describe what is happening in America.

To intentionally kill an innocent child who is 80 percent born is not only evil; it is Satanic. The American Medical Association, which is steadfastly in favor of abortion rights, has admitted that partial-birth abortion is never needed to save the life of the mother. Yet thousands of these
abortions take place every year in the United States.

The late senator from New York, Daniel Patrick Moynihan, was "pro-choice," but he drew the line at partial-birth abortion: he properly called it infanticide. Ditto for Ed Koch, the former mayor of New York City. So why is it that so many other abortion-rights public figures continue to defend a
procedure that is so barbaric that it rivals anything done by the likes of Stalin, Hitler, Pol Pot, Mao, Idi Amin or Saddam Hussein?

While it is true that most Americans are opposed to partial-birth abortions, it is also true that most give it little attention. One reason for this is media bias: it has been well established that the media elite are almost
unanimous in their support for abortion-on-demand. So much so that media insiders like Bernie Goldberg and others have admitted that it is extremely difficult for a pro-life person to get hired in any position of influence in journalism or the broadcast industry. Given this monopoly of thought, it is
no wonder why "60 Minutes," or any of the other TV magazine-type shows, will ever do a segment on partial-birth abortion. Wouldn't it be great to learn what the hospitals and clinics do with the "remains"? If that's too gruesome, wouldn't it be great if "Dateline" interviewed the very same doctors who are mentioned on pages 8-9? Or how about ABC's Diane Sawyer? Would she bring that same pained look on her face-you know, the one
she flashed when interviewing Mel Gibson-to work when asking the doctors what kind of scissors they like best? Wouldn't it be instructive to learn how these monsters manage to sleep at night?

The banality of evil really shines through when these doctors are asked about the pain that the baby feels. Not only do they not have a clue-they don't want to know. That's because it's not their job. Their job is to deliver a dead baby-and maybe put a cap on the kid's head before slipping him into one of their little coffins.

Their answers are so icily cold as to be scary. These are well-educated men and women who were trained to help the sick. And what they do for a living is to kill the kids. Is it because the money is good? Maybe it is, but surely they could make lots of money treating people's feet. No, what they elect to do tells us something about the way they see the world: they are
servants, trained to deliver a service. Just like prostitutes, only the ladies of the night don't have to learn how to use a suction tube.

This may come as a surprise to you: not one nation in the world has more liberal laws governing abortion than the United States. Every European nation-including the sexually liberated Scandinavian countries-has some restrictions on abortion. We have none. We know this because a few decades ago a member of the Catholic League's board of advisors, Mary Ann Glendon,
revealed this dirty little secret in a book she did on the subject. The Harvard law professor was herself surprised to learn that the U.S. has the most promiscuous laws on abortion of any nation on the face of the earth.

There are plenty of issues in this election season for voters to consider, and it makes no sense to focus on one to the exclusion of others. But it also makes no sense to treat issues like the environment, housing and the minimum wage as the moral equal of infanticide. Yet that is what many Catholics, including members of the clergy, are urging us to do. It is important that their quest for moral equivalency be resisted.

All of this is very troubling, and not simply because it is immoral to jam a scissors into a little baby's head and then suck out the boy or girl's brain. It is troubling because of what it does to the rest of us. It allows us to retreat-to escape into ourselves. It coarsens us. It promotes the fiction that we can each carve out our own universe, complete with our own morality. In short, such nihilism is deadly in more ways than one.

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Keeping Latin up to Date
08.23.04 (3:30 pm)   [edit]

Latinitas Foundation, Now on Internet, Modernizes an Old Language


What is the equivalent
for "computer," "terrorist" or "cowboy" in Latin?

An agency, now is on Internet, to respond to the problems
Latinists have in dealing with modernity.

"Instrumentum Computatorium" is the way the Latinitas Foundation refers to computers. Those who sow violence and terror are called "tromocrates (-ae)"; while the characters in Westerns are called "armentarius."

The Holy See's Web page introduces this academic institution which, among other things, offers online a brief Italian-Latin dictionary of neologisms.

The foundation has coined 15,000 new words, although it only
presents some of the more common ones on Internet. To consult them fully, one must obtain a copy of "Lexicon Recentis Latinitatis," a reference dictionary sold in some specialized bookstores.

Instituted in 1976 by Pope Paul VI, Latinitas is concerned with the use and growth of Latin, the official language of the Catholic Church, through the publication of books in Latin and through other means.

Among its main activities is the publication of the Latinitas
quarterly review, founded in 1953. Written in Latin, it covers
cultural topics such as literature, philology, history and the
sciences. Among its features is the Diarium Latinum, which covers current events in a journalistic style.

Latinitas also organizes the Certamen Vaticanum, an international competition of Latin poetry and prose, established in 1953. The awards ceremony takes place toward the end of every year.

The foundation organizes classes in Latin with the same method of teaching of modern languages -- namely, Latin in Latin. It also organizes debates, congresses and conferences on Latin culture.

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French Olympian Disgraces Himself Dishonorable Behaviour
08.23.04 (10:44 am)   [edit]
France
French Olympian Disgraces Himself Dishonorable Behaviour (karma: 12 / 12)   
By
sternboden1886 comments, click to view recent comments1102 karma, click to view rated posts Comments: 1886, member since Fri Apr 11, 2003

On Sun Aug 22, 2004 07:29 PM


How do you say "in the spirit of the Olympics" in French?


(I've highlighted the relevant part at the botom of this post. --sb)

Underneath the competition, sportsmanship ethic prevails

Many athletes exude ideals of Games, from embraces in the pool to a fencing timeout.

By Mark Sappenfield | Staff writer of The Christian Science Monitor

ATHENS – By the measure of modern sports, Michael Phelps might as well be Mahatma Gandhi. In a world weaned on the headlong pursuit of home-run records and the precise choreography of touchdown dances, his gesture was almost unheard of.

Yes, he swam in the heats of the 4x100 individual medley relay, so he received a medal. But by bowing out of swimming the final round this weekend, giving his well-earned slot to a teammate, he gave up his place on the podium, a final prime-time lap in the pool, and - as it turned out - a share of a new world record.

It is the seeming miracle of the Olympiad - a two-week window when the idealistic underpinnings of the Games offer a more hopeful view of sport and humanity. In truth, the Olympics simply give the world an opportunity to turn its eyes toward what is always there.


Whether it is the camaraderie of kayakers or medieval chivalry finding a 21st-century form in fencing, the Games bring to light a sporting world that is ordinarily far beyond the American focus. It is the world of the amateur, where contracts play no part in the calculus of competition, and athletes find themselves far more united in anonymity than divided by scoreboards or stopwatches.

To be sure, the foibles and frustrations of humankind find a forum here just as they do outside the Olympic rings - in everything from judging controversies to judo boycotts. The Games are not a separation from the world, but an amplification of it. Yet no other event holds athletes to such high standards of sportsmanship, and no other event so celebrates the noble and selfless in sport.

"Nobody on the US water polo team is going for the money. They're going for the camaraderie," says John Lucas, an Olympic historian who has been to every summer Games since 1960. "There are far more patriotic and high-minded athletes than there are robber barons and drug cheats."

Hugs and handshakes

This year, Phelps has given America a glimpse into the collegial world of swimming, where each race ends not with the last stroke, but with the shower of hugs and handshakes that inevitably follow. At times, swimming can seem a perpetual graduation party without the pointy hats.

The Olympic ideal only adds to that sportsmanship. "Healthy competition, that's what the Olympic Games are all about," says Gary Hall Jr., winner of the men's 50-meter freestyle. "After the race is finished, you shake your competitor's hand. You don't see that anywhere else like you do at the Olympics."

These Games have not been without controversy, whether it's South Korea protesting a scoring error that gave the men's all-around to American gymnast Paul Hamm, or whether it's Aaron Peirsol being temporarily disqualified in the 200-meter backstroke. Yet even when Austrian officials said they would appeal the final ruling on Peirsol, which gave him the gold, silver medalist Markus Rogan said he did not support his country's protest. Peirsol won by two seconds, and Peirsol deserved the gold, he said.

Not surprisingly, the two are good friends.

That's hardly unusual among the summer Games' more modest sports, where the pretensions of professional sports dissolve. Shooters often all take the same bus, no matter which country they're from. The top kayakers in the world even train together.

"It's very open between athletes," says kayaker Rami Zur. "If you beat me, it's because you're better than me, not because of some secret training."

Yet the sportsmanship of these Games is shown in a thousand things far more subtle - and less likely to make prime-time TV. In the animated world of fencing, where every touch is seemingly cause for an international inquiry, it is shown in the earnest embrace after bouts - perhaps not in friendship, but with clear respect. It is evident when a Swedish diver applauds a Canadian colleague after he hits a difficult dive in practice.

And it is obvious at a midnight gymnastics press conference, when the Romanian coach turns to 25-year-old American Mohini Bhardwaj, who has worked for 10 years to make her first Olympic team - and has redefined the accepted age for international gymnasts in the process. "I hope to work with someone like that someday," he says. "It is my dream."

It is as if the monastic life of the amateur Olympian breeds a respect above all for the competition - and the competitor - almost as much as the result.

A saber fencer's decision

Indeed, in many ways, the most telling moment of these Olympics for saber fencer Ivan Lee won't show up on any scorecard. It is the moment he did nothing.

In the midst of a bronze-medal match - and on the verge of claiming the first-ever medal in team fencing for the United States - Lee's Russian opponent raised his hand. He was asking for time.

In a split second, the lunging Lee had to make a gentleman's decision: either continue the attack and score the point or honor the request. Earlier in the day, one of Lee's teammates had similarly asked for time when his fencing mask fell in front of his eyes. His French opponent had responded by smacking the American over the head, winning the point - and eventually the semifinal match by that one point.

For Lee, though, there was no choice to be made. He stopped mid-swing. Minutes later, the American saber team lost the historic bronze - and a chance to bring the sport precious national recognition - again by that one point.

There was not a moment's regret.

"I suppose I could have won the point," says Lee. "But the most important thing to me is how I fence."




--Sternboden
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Traveling with a gun? You should read this
08.23.04 (5:04 am)   [edit]

If you are traveling with a firearm, there are rules laid down by the Transportation Security Administration (TSA) that you need to be aware of.

It is still legal under federal air regulations to fly with firearms:

1] They must be unloaded and in a locked, hard-sided case. The passenger retains the only key to the case. If you’re transporting a handgun, put it inside a locking case inside a larger piece of luggage.

2] Firearms must be declared at the ticket counter when checking in.

3] They may only be transported unloaded as checked baggage in the airplane’s baggage hold.

Typically, you will be escorted from the ticket counter directly to a TSA screening area where security officers will check the bag, then send it through.

4] Ammunition must be in its original container or a container suitable for travel, such as a hard plastic cartridge container.

5] You may not transport loaded cartridge belts, magazines or speed loaders.

You can call the TSA at: 866-289-9673 for more information or go to www.tsa.gov

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Aborted baby's head left inside woman
08.19.04 (3:25 pm)   [edit]
MATTERS OF LIFE AND DEATH
Aborted baby's head left inside woman
Couple horrified to find face of child after returning home



Posted: August 19, 2004
1:00 a.m. Eastern



© 2004 WorldNe tDaily.com


A British hospital is now investigating the case of a woman who had an abortion, but then was shocked to find out the head of her unborn baby had been left inside her.

Davina Chambers, 29, became pregnant this year with her fourth child, but she had just been diagnosed with autoimmune hepatitis, a disease eating away at her liver.














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"In January, I was a patient at King's College Hospital because I was jaundiced," Chambers told the Voice, which bills itself as Britain's best black newspaper. "The doctors wanted me to stay in the hospital, but after a week I told them that they had to let me out because I had to go home to take care of my three children. My children have always been my priorities. They're my angels."

Chambers became an outpatient at the facility, going in for checkups every two weeks as she needed continual monitoring.

It was during routine medical tests she discovered she was 12 weeks pregnant.

"At the time I was taking eight tablets a day and had all this radiation from the scans, so I couldn't believe that I could be pregnant," she told the paper.

Chambers made the difficult decision to have an abortion.

"I started thinking about it. Here I am very ill, already with three children, and I was very depressed because of the medication I was on."

She was booked into the hospital for the procedure, and even chose to have a coil contraceptive inserted to prevent any future pregnancies.

"When I woke up on the ward, they said that I had had three scans and everything was fine," she told the Voice.

But once she returned home, an unseemly problem began to make itself known.






Davina Chambers and the face of her unborn child (courtesy: The Voice)

"At midnight, my ex-partner knocked on the door to check if I was all right. ... I went to the bathroom and as I was sitting there, I just felt something slip out of me as if I had just given birth. I looked in the toilet and saw this lump that seemed to have a bone in it. So I showed it to my former partner."

The couple realized they were looking at the face of their unborn child, seeing the eyes, nose, mouth and ears. The tiny head measured no more than 4 centimeters.

"We just broke down and cried at what we were seeing. We couldn't believe it," Chambers sobbed to the paper.

"I phoned an ambulance and they took me to the hospital to make sure that no other parts were left inside of me. They said I could have died if it had stayed inside me."

She was able to discuss the situation with the doctor who had performed her abortion.

"He leaned over my bedside and said, 'I am so sorry. In all the procedures I've done, I've never come across this,'" she said. "He even tried to take the head away, but I said I wanted to keep it because we wanted to have a proper burial."

A distraught Chambers is now seeking legal advice on what to do next.

"I feel as if I'm going insane now; I can't just let this happen to me," she said.

A spokeswoman for King's College Hospital told the Voice: "We are aware of this patient and we did receive a complaint. We are now investigating but we cannot release any information until our investigation is complete."

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Translation Error Leads to False Arrest
08.19.04 (5:20 am)   [edit]

In an incredible turn of events, Yassin Muhiddin Aref, who was accused by the Department of Defense of being a terrorist and a "missile delivery commander", will be released from jail today and all charges will be dropped due to a translation error in documents found in a terrorist camp in Northern Iraq.

"We found these documents in Northern Iraq and we had them translated by our expert in-house translators." Stated James Johnson William, a Department of Defense analyst, "Well, there is this phrase in Arabic, 'ashtun hatun batar', which, depending on the context, can mean 'missile delivery commander' or 'pizza delivery boy'. It's one of those quirky language things. You know, like the words 'to' or 'two' or 'too' in English. Depends on the context when you hear it. Anyhow. We found his name with that phrase next to it in an address book of a known terrorist. As it turns out, he was their pizza delivery boy. When they got hungry at night, he would bring pizzas to them. Not missiles. It's an easy mistake to make."

The FBI found the error in translation after they read the name 'Yassin Muhiddin Aref' and remembered that they once had pizza delivered to them in their office by him.

"Yeah. It was so weird." Stated an FBI agent who wished to remain anonymous, "We were looking at the intelligence and saw this guy's name. Then I looked up his history. He came over to the U.S. a year ago and was working in this pizza joint. Well, I then started thinking that the name sounded familiar. I called up the place where we ordered our pizza from last night and bam! He was working there. I feel bad for the guy. I mean his entire family stopped talking to him because they thought he was a terrorist. All I can say is, sorry!"

Yassin Muhiddin Aref was charged with helping in the delivery of missiles in New York for the purpose of committing a terrorist attack to kill a Pakistani diplomat.

In other news, Johnny Cochran announced this morning that he will represent Yassin in a law suit against the United States.

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How to Tell a Fox From a Duck
08.17.04 (10:46 am)   [edit]

Most Rev. Charles J. Chaput, O.F.M. Cap.
Archbishop of Denver

Thinking with the Church as we look toward November
"If it quacks like a duck and looks like a duck and walks like a duck, it's probably a duck. A fox can claim to be a duck all day long. But he's still a fox."

We've all heard that saying, or some version of it, a thousand
times. The reason is simple: It's true. Our actions prove who we are. If a gulf exists between what we say, how we look and what we do, we're not living in a spirit of truth. A fox, even if he quacks, is still a fox. Sooner or later, it becomes obvious.

I remembered this last week as I read yet another news report about candidates who claim to be Catholic and then prominently ignore their own faith on matters of public policy. We've come a long way from John F. Kennedy, who merely locked his faith in the closet. Now we have Catholic senators who take pride in arguing for legislation that threatens and destroys life — and who then also take Communion.

The kindest explanation for this sort of behavior is that a lot of Catholic candidates don't know their own faith. And that's why, in a spirit of charity, the Holy See offered its guidance and encouragement in a little document last year On Some Questions Regarding the Participation of Catholics in Public Life.

Nothing in this Roman document is new. But it offers a vision of public service filled with common sense.

First, quoting John Paul II, it reminds us that, "man cannot be
separated from God, nor politics from morality." In other words, unless our personal faith shapes our public choices and actions, it's just a pious delusion. Private faith, if it's genuine, always becomes public witness — including political witness.

Second, while Christians "must recognize the legitimacy of differing points of view about the organization of worldly affairs," they are also "called to reject, as injurious to democratic life, a conception of pluralism that reflects moral relativism." Appeals to a phony definition of pluralism and tolerance can never excuse inaction in the face of grave evil — including attacks on the sanctity of life. Catholics can only ensure real pluralism by "living and acting in conformity" with their religious convictions so that, "through political life, society will become more just and more consistent with the dignity of the human person."

Third, "(democracy) only succeeds to the extent that it is based on a correct understanding of the human person." Catholic lawmakers who do not vigorously seek to protect human dignity and the sanctity of human life from conception to natural death are not serving democracy. They are betraying it.

Fourth, "those who are directly involved in lawmaking bodies have a 'grave and clear obligation to oppose' any law that attacks human life. For them, as for every Catholic, it is impossible to promote such laws or to vote for them." Politics is the exercise of power. Power always has moral implications. And God will hold each of us accountable — from the average voter to senators and presidents — for how well we have used our political power to serve the common good and the human person.

"Pro-choice" candidates who claim to be Catholic bring all of us to a crossroads in this election year. Many Catholics, including some Church leaders, argue that "(we) should not limit (our) concern to one issue, no matter how fundamental that issue is." That's true — but it can also be misleading.

Catholics have a duty to work tirelessly for human dignity at every stage of life, and to demand the same of their lawmakers. But some issues are jugular. Some issues take priority. Abortion, immigration law, international trade policy, the death penalty and housing for the poor are all vitally important issues. But no amount of calculating can make them equal in gravity.

The right to life comes first. It precedes and undergirds every
other social issue or group of issues. This is why Blessed John
XXIII listed it as the first human right in his great encyclical on world peace, Pacem in Terris. And as the
U.S. bishops stressed in their 1998 pastoral letter Living the Gospel of Life, the right to life is the foundation of every other right.

The humorist James Thurber once wrote that "you can fool too many of the people too much of the time." Our job as Catholics this election year — if we're serious about our faith — is to not get fooled.

Candidates who claim to be "Catholic" but who publicly ignore
Catholic teaching about the sanctity of human life are offering a dishonest public witness. They may try to look Catholic and sound Catholic, but unless they act Catholic in their public service and political choices, they're really a very different kind of creature.

And real Catholics should vote accordingly.

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Abortion - Pro-life Arguments
08.16.04 (5:24 am)   [edit]

The scientific evidence is clear, a biologically distinct human individual is present from the moment of conception.


This is irrefutable. The conceptus is certainly NO blob of the mother's tissue. In fact IT IS IN CHARGE, releasing a chemical from its cells (human chorionic gonadotrophin) that SHUTS DOWN menstruation and begins the effects of pregnancy in the mother.


Abortion is, therefore, the direct, intentional ending of an individual human life, biologically distinct from that of the mother or father. It cannot be anything other than the subjective judgment that this life has no value, or lesser value, than the mother's.


Once a society permits this it has no logical reason, other than the will of individuals or the state, to forbid infanticide, euthanasia and selective homicide (as in Nazi Germany) for eugenic or other reasons found to be persuasive.


Another pro-life argument is the philosophical one. Philosophically we can trace our individual, personal being and existence back to the moment of conception.


Therefore, "you" and "I" were once this little one-celled, or two-celled, or four-celled human being.


Not only does human life begin biologically at conception, but the ineffable mystery of the person does, as well. The ending of a life in the womb is the ending of the personal "I" that would have been conscious of itself later on.


The absence of the means of consciousness in the womb, as at any stage of life, does not mean the person is not present, any more than being mentally deficient, asleep or in a coma means that "Betty" or "Bill" or whomever has ceased to be human person.


The continuity of human personhood is the same as the continuity of human life, otherwise, we are reduced to the illogic that it depends on the human will when personhood begins - the mother accepts it, or the state accepts it, or it is conscious of itself, or some other subjective criteria.


As far as theology is concerned it can be shown that in the "Didache" (Teaching of the Twelve Apostles, 2nd century), and other early writings, both abortion and infanticide were condemned.


At no time has the Church done otherwise, though the penalties have varied in different eras based on judgements about when the human being was biologically and philosophically present. Science has since resolved those questions, as noted above, so that we know today with certainty that human life begins and should be protected "from the moment of conception."

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Q & A on Catholic Politicians and Abortion
08.13.04 (8:02 am)   [edit]





 


1. Isn't withholding Communion from Catholics who publicly support abortion, embryonic stem-cell research, gay marriage and similar grave evils, a violation of the separation of Church and State?

If the U.S. government told the Catholic Church it must give Holy  Communion to such politicians that would be a violation of the Constitution, not the other way around. The Church's right to its own internal governance according to its own teachings is precisely what the Constitution protects! The First Amendment states, 



Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of grievances.


This amendment ensures that the U.S. Congress will not establish a religion as the religion of the United States. In England the established religion was and is Anglicanism, as it was in Virginia and other of the American colonies. Many state constitutions adopted the same provision, although established churches with special rights persisted into the 1800s in some states. These anti-establishment clauses protect the freedom of believers and their Churches, Synagogues, Mosques and Temples from the interference of the Federal and state governments.


2. Isn't it contrary to the freedom of conscience of Catholic politicians to condition their participation in Holy Communion to the Church's stance on moral issues?


The Church is the sacrament of salvation which continues the redemptive mission of Jesus Christ in the world. He does not force salvation on anyone. People freely choose to enter or remain in the Church. They likewise freely choose to recite the Nicene Creed at Sunday Mass, in which they affirm the divine institution and authority of the Church: I believe in One, Holy Catholic and Apostolic Church. To not hold Catholic politicians to the solemn commitments of the faith which they have made would be to say that freedom of conscience means being able to freely make and break solemn commitments made to God.


So, in the end the Catholic politician is free to disagree with Church teaching, vote as he or she pleases, and the Church is likewise free to refuse Holy Communion to those who are unworthy.


3. In a pluralistic society isn't it better, however, if a politician makes up his own mind, without being sectarian and advancing only the views of his own religion?


First, in no other matter, save religion, is a politician expected to leave his personal beliefs at the door to civil office. Yet, in no other matter, save religion, is the right to personal belief protected by the Constitution, for citizens and politicians alike.


Secondly, some worldview is going to be the foundation of everyone's thinking, giving it coherence and direction. It might be atheism, agnosticism, scientism, communism, feminism, nihilism or simple egotism, but, for most people it is religion. It determines their conscience and, as a consequence, their decisions and actions. To ask them to set it aside, or for them to set it aside, may have the appearance of pluralism but in reality it calls into question their  integrity. If something so important can be set aside, how can they be trusted to hold to other less important principles.


Sadly, opinion polls show that the public has a low confidence in politicians, believing that they flip-flop according to the political winds. Nothing could be more disastrous for a democracy. Far better to have a man of known principles in office, even if they are not entirely one's own, than a man of no principle. The ancient political philosophers, such as Plato and Cicero, correctly identified the weakness of democracy, its tendency to mob mentality over principle. For democracy to work the principles of politicians need to be known and their word be trustworthy.


4. If that is the case, why not also withhold communion from Catholic politicians who voted in favor of the Iraq war or who favor the death penalty? Aren't these Catholic teachings as well?


There are indeed Catholic teachings on the subject of war and on the subject of capital punishment, and the principles regarding them  have the same authority as the teaching on abortion. In all life issues the first principle is the same, "one may not take the life of an innocent human being." In the case of abortion the child is always innocent, therefore, it is always intrinsically evil to take the life of the unborn, whether a fetus or an embryo.


However, neither war nor capital punishment are intrinsically evil. On the contrary, the authority for war and for capital punishment are inherent in the right of self-defense of the individual and of the state. Naturally, there are principles governing the just use of this right which must be accepted by Catholics. However, Catholics can, and do, disagree among themselves as to the application of these principles to particular cases. The Pope's strong words against both modern war and the use of capital punishment except in rare circumstances have not changed Catholic teaching on the right of justified self-defense, even with deadly force, nor could they. Rather, he has argued for a culture of life that eschews violence except when absolutely necessary. In this I believe he is prudentially right if we are to reverse the culture of death in our world.


So, on the one hand there is an intrinsic moral evil, abortion, which kills a million in the U.S. each year and tens of millions worldwide, and on