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French Minister Reopens Debate on Euthanasia
08.27.04 (9:24 am)   [edit]
French Health Minister Philippe Douste-Blazy reopened the thorny debate on euthanasia by calling for a law that would ensure the "right to die in dignity", but ruled out the legalization of mercy killing.


In an interview published in Le Figaro newspaper, Douste-Blazy said the lower-house National Assembly would examine a draft law before year's end on "end-of-life" care that would define the legal options for the terminally ill.

"The law must allow doctors to offer a cancer patient, when it is certain that his condition cannot be reversed, the choice between one more chemotherapy treatment or palliative care and the morphine drip," the minister said.

"In the world of medicine, there is a moment when the truth becomes obvious, when we know that the patient only has a few days left," added Douste-Blazy, a cardiologist by training.

"I am going to ask the prime minister (Jean-Pierre Raffarin) to launch a sweeping nationwide debate, under conditions that have not yet been defined, on end-of-life care, so that everyone can express themselves," he said.

The debate in France over euthanasia came to the forefront in September 2003 following the death of Vincent Humbert, a 22-year-old fireman who was left blind, mute and paralyzed after a road accident in 2000.

His mother Marie, who with her son had campaigned in vain for his right to die, administered an overdose of sedatives to her son, who lapsed into a coma. His doctors switched off his life support system two days later.

A special parliamentary commission formed in the wake of the Humbert case to analyze the complex issue in June recommended that the law on "end-of-life" care be clarified, but did not go so far as to condone mercy killing.

Douste-Blazy told Le Figaro that it was "necessary to show that euthanasia should be avoided. We must draw an inviolable line between those for whom there is no longer any hope and those for whom we know there is still hope."

The minister said it was time to "put an end to the hypocrisy going on right now, which is unacceptable," noting that 150,000 care-giving machines a year are unplugged on doctors' orders outside the confines of any formal framework.

"We must clarify the law," he told Le Figaro, recommending that the medical code of ethics and public health regulations be altered with respect to end-of-life care.

"The law will establish the right to die in dignity. Respect for life is respect for death," Douste-Blazy said.
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Regarding Today's Federal Court Ruling Regarding the Partial-Birth Abortion Ban Act
08.26.04 (3:10 pm)   [edit]
WASHINGTON (August 25, 2004) -- What follows is a comment from the National Right to Life Committee (NRLC) in Washington, D.C., regarding today's federal court ruling regarding the Partial-Birth Abortion Ban Act.
 
Federal District Judge Richard Casey in New York today ruled that the federal government cannot enforce the Partial-Birth Abortion Ban Act because the law conflicts with an earlier 5-4 Supreme Court ruling in favor of partial-birth abortion. 
 
Douglas Johnson, legislative director for the National Right to Life Committee (NRLC), commented:  "Judge Casey said his ruling was dictated by a 5 to 4 Supreme Court ruling in 2000, which held that Roe v. Wade protects partial-birth abortion.  Future appointments to the Supreme Court will determine whether it remains legal to mostly deliver living premature infants and painfully puncture their skulls.  President Bush is determined to ban partial-birth abortion, but John Kerry voted against the ban and has vowed that he will appoint only justices who agree with him."
 
Senator Kerry voted against passing the Partial-Birth Abortion Ban Act every chance he got -- six times.
 
President Bush signed the bill on November 5, 2003, saying that in partial-birth abortion "a terrible form of violence has been directed against children who are inches from birth."   The Bush Administration is currently defending the law against three separate legal challenges in three different federal courts.
 
In today's ruling, Judge Casey said, "The Court finds that the testimony at trial and before Congress establishes that D&X [partial-birth abortion] is a gruesome, brutal, barbaric, and uncivilized medical procedure." 
 
Judge Casey also wrote that "credible evidence that [such] abortions subject fetuses to severe pain.  Notwithstanding this evidence, some of Plaintiffs' experts testified that fetal pain does not concern them, and that some do not convey to their patients that their fetuses may undergo severe pain during a D&X [partial-birth abortion]."
 
On May 20, Senator Sam Brownback (R-Ks.) and Congressman Chris Smith (R-NJ) introduced the Unborn Child Pain Awareness Act (S. 2466, H.R. 4420).  This bill would require that abortionists provide women seeking any type of abortion past 20 weeks with certain information regarding the capacity of their unborn children to experience pain and regarding the availability of pain-reducing drugs.  For more information on the bill and on the issue of fetal pain, see
http://www.nrlc.org/abortion/fetal_pain/i ndex.html" title="http://www.nrlc.org/abortion/fetal_pain/i ndex.html" target="_blank"http://www.nrlc.org/abortion/...
 
The National Right to Life Committee maintains the most comprehensive collection of documentation on partial-birth abortion available anywhere on the Internet, at
http://www.nrlc.org/abortion/pba/index.html" title="http://www.nrlc.org/abortion/pba/index.html" target="_blank"http://www.nrlc.org/abortion/...
 
For a good primer on what the Partial-Birth Abortion Ban Act does and does not do, and on other disputed issues pertaining to partial-birth abortion, see the memo "Partial-Birth Abortion: Misconceptions and Realities," here:
http://www.nrlc.org/abortion/pba/PBAall11 0403.html" title="http://www.nrlc.org/abortion/pba/PBAall11 0403.html" target="_blank"http://www.nrlc.org/abortion/...
 
A collection of key documents pertinent to medical issues surrounding partial-birth abortion are posted here:
http://www.nrlc.org/abortion/pba/keymedic al.html" title="http://www.nrlc.org/abortion/pba/keymedic al.html" target="_blank"http://www.nrlc.org/abortion/...
0 Comments
 
Why vote?
08.26.04 (10:55 am)   [edit]

Well, it's not because you'll always get to have the final say between good and evil and cast that deciding ballot (although, some important elections have been a lot closer than you might think). Nevertheless, people do vote, so maybe we should ask: "Why do other people vote?"  Knowing some of the reasons that other people vote may resonate more than just some random website, ahem, telling you that "You oughtta."


Consider:









Reason people vote #1.


In a nutshell, it hasn't always been as easy
to vote as it is today.  Countless groups
here in the U.S. have had to struggle tremendously to gain meaningful access to
the ballot.  Blacks did not get the right to
vote until 1870 with the 15th Amendment, women in 1920 with the 19th Amendment, Native Americans until 1948, and 18-21 year-olds with the 26th Amendment.  And that's just the tip of the iceberg.  Their struggles reflect the importance of the vote. Perspectives on the hard fight to vote


Reason people vote #2.


People vote to send a message of approval or disapproval of the party in power. Politics majors, and their profs, call this "retrospective voting." Retrospective voting is interesting -- and it's kind of impressive that it happens -- because this kind of voting is not just a reaction to the current campaign, its ads, and its promises. Rather, retrospective voting is backward-looking and, specifically, focused on past policy actions. Retrospective voting is centered more on fundamental matters of governance than on the ephemeral, whiz-bang of campaigns and the issues they choose to focus on.

 

Reason people vote #3.


People vote to express a sense of attachment to a political party; that is, they vote out of party loyalty or party identification. "But I don't identify with a political party," you shout? Of course not. How old are you, anyway (um, I mean we)? How many chances have we had to actually vote? Or to go to a party caucus? You probably have had few, if any, opportunites to really get involved in the electoral process. But right now we do have free time, probably more than we will ever have again, in the rest of our life, as hard as that may be to believe. (Okay, so it may not always feel like it with so damn many books to read, papers to write, beers to drink-I mean, lectures to attend). But don't waste what you got. And while you're "not wasting it" read these last two darn good reasons.


Reason people vote #4


Voting is kind of like practicing for that band we mentioned (and if anyone actually attempts that musical combination we will kick ourselves). "What's the point? How much better will we get if we practice this week?" Voting is a single act but it usually happens as a part of a process. Again, people who vote don't just vote; they vote and they do lots of related things, like pay attention to news about politics and government, make their voice heard, discuss policy issues, donate time and money, attend meetings, etc. Like practicing your new sound, voting is just one thing you do as a part of a process of getting tighter and stronger - politically stronger.


Reason people vote #5.


Voting and being down with the political process is also a way to counteract the natural tendency of powerful organizations to cut themselves off from their roots (read: ignore the people they are supposed to care about). This tendency is what makes an organization, whether it's a political party or perhaps a certain College's bureaucracy, more hierarchical and more out-of-touch with its members and customers. By not participating, you just make it easier for them to do whatever they want, without regard to you and your interests. (They would probably thank you for doing nothing, if only they knew who the heck you were.)


Caveat:


However, political organizations are more open than you might think and, therefore, it's easier to get involved than you might think. That's because, despite #4, most organizations do act as though they are concerned with deriving the consent of the governed - or at least making a good show. This is because in a system of limited state power, like ours, governments can act only when they appear to have legitimate authority - that is, rulers can get away with being rulers only when we, the ruled, let them. The power of government, most Americans believe, is based on the idea of popular sovereignty -- the notion that the power to decide belongs to the people who only loan, not give, that power to governmental officials. Government officials act as though they too believe this (and some of them really do) and, as a result, they will do almost anything they can to create, protect, and enhance their appearance of legitimacy - and, therefore, their capacity to govern. "Almost anything?" you ask. Yes, including, if necessary, being open to your participation in the process.

0 Comments
 
Poised to Cross Yet Another Ethical and Political Boundary
08.26.04 (10:42 am)   [edit]
Yesterday, we made a couple of initial points about the politics of "stem cell" research. Senator John Kerry is looking for a "wedge issue," something that might snip off a percentage of people who otherwise might well vote for President George W. Bush.

By promoting embryonic stem cells as a kind of high-tech elixir, an all-purpose concoction that will cure everything from Alzheimer's to Parkinson's by tomorrow afternoon, Kerry and his minions hope to paint Mr. Bush as a captive of flat-earth "fundamentalists." As Kerry is wont to say, "Here in America, we don't sacrifice science for ideology."

Columnist John Leo brilliantly unmasked Kerry's balderdash in a recent column. Leo wrote,

"This is a line he has been using for weeks. It delivers two messages, both false: (1) there is no legitimate moral issue here (though plenty of bioethicists and plenty of Kerry supporters think there is); and therefore (2) this is a one-sided issue, pitting enlightened people against backward ideological types. Kerry is demagoging the issue, but in a sophisticated way, echoing the debate at the Scopes trial (science vs. religion) without explicitly raising the religion issue. According to a report in The Washington Post, 'ideology trumps science' is the theme of a lobbying effort to discredit objections to more federal funding of embryonic stem cell research."

Clearly, if we're John Kerry, we ARE willing to sacrifice truth in a shameless campaign of disinformation.

In an article that appeared in the August 9 issue of American Demographics, we see this political calculation/mythology in its purest form. "This is the 'sleeper issue' of this campaign," says Bob Beckel, a former Democratic presidential candidate strategist. "It's more than just stem cell research--it's the symbolism of announcing a plan to eradicate major diseases, and part of the Baby Boomers' health care crisis."

However, as we discussed at the end of Wednesday's edition, when people are given options, they are far less supportive of lethally culling stem cells from tiny human embryos than the John Kerrys of this world are counting on.

Wilson Research Strategies, Inc., 1,000 national adults, August 16-18, 2004, margin of error 3.1%: Which of the following comes closest to your view?

1. Cloning to create human embryos for stem cell research which would kill them should be allowed and only cloning for reproduction should be banned: 24%
2. All human cloning should be banned: 69%
3. Don't know / refused: 7%
[Other questions and answers in this poll relating to stem cell research are found here:
http://www.nrlc.org/Killing_Embryos/NRLCS temCellPoll.pdf" title="http://www.nrlc.org/Killing_Embryos/NRLCS temCellPoll.pdf" target="_blank"http://www.nrlc.org/Killing_E... ]

International Communications Research, weighted sample of 1,001 adults, August 13-17, 2004, margin of error 3%:

Should scientists be allowed to use human cloning to create a supply of human embryos to be destroyed in medical research?
Yes: 13.3%
No: 79.8%
Don't know: 6.1%
Refused: 0.7%
[Other questions and answers in this poll related to cloning and other forms of embryonic stem cell research are found here: http://www.usccb.org/comm/arc... ]


If you are John Kerry, truth has this unfortunate habit of breaking through, like flowers through the cracks in city sidewalks.

One other related idea for today. William Saletan is a columnist for the online publication, Slate. Often he writes very well, usually in a manner that props up an intellectually shaky pro-abortion movement, occasionally in a way that supports the pro-life view.

It'd be hard to exaggerate how influential was Saletan's August 10 column. He begins by noting that the pro-embryonic stem cell movement's highly flattering self-image--its "conceit"--is the very opposite of what it has become: "political, ideological, and religious.

In their politicking, proponents are reduced to sloganizing, promising to lift an imaginary "ban on stem-cell research." But as Saletan writes, no such ban exists.

"Embryonic stem-cell research is unrestricted in the private sector. State and local governments can fund it as they wish. The federal government spent nearly $200 million on adult stem-cell research last year and nearly $25 million on research involving the roughly 20 approved embryonic lines."

Likewise, "The stem-cell movement has become ideological," he writes. Facts are "shaded," pollsters massage questions to get the "correct" answers, and "any limit on stem-cell funding must be vilified as immoral," according to Saletan.

The richest irony is that proponents have become what Saletan describes as "religious." A major problem for proponents is that what they need most--the possibility that embryonic stem cells can "cure" Alzheimer's--is a virtual impossibility, a "fairy tale, as a NIH researcher told Rick Weiss of the Washington Post. Such dream- weaving is a distortion--a simplistic "story line"--that proponents allow to float along out there largely unchallenged.

Saletan cites a number of expressions of quasi-mystical hope by proponents.


"A month later, on the eve of their convention, [House Minority Leader Nancy] Pelosi called stem-cell therapy 'the biblical power to cure.' At the [Democratic National] convention, Ron Reagan likened it to 'magic.' Reps. Diana DeGette of Colorado and Tammy Baldwin of Wisconsin trumpeted its 'medical miracles.' Rep. James Langevin of Rhode Island, a paraplegic, proclaimed his 'strong faith that we will find a cure.' 'I believe one day I will walk again,' said Langevin, adding, 'Embryonic stem cell research offers new dreams to so many people.' Democrats even engraved the myth in their platform: 'Stem-cell therapy offers hope to more than 100 million Americans who have serious illnesses—from Alzheimer's to heart disease to juvenile diabetes to Parkinson's.'"

However, "Kerry's appeals to faith and prayer don't end there," Saletan writes. "He asks voters to believe, on the same spiritual basis, that science will create ethical boundaries for itself." In a speech promoting stem-cell research, Kerry said, "I have full faith that our scientists will go forward with a moral compass," adding (according to Saletan) that we must "pursue the limitless potential of science—and trust that we can use it wisely."

Kerry is counting on aging Baby Boomer angst to camouflage the real status of the research [i.e., the "fact there has not been a single human trial of an embryonic stem cell therapy," according to Eric Cohen] as compared to adult-stem-cell and related tissue therapies which, Wesley Smith writes, "are already treating human maladies." Indeed,"[T]he science is moving forward at an exhilarating pace both here and abroad in animal and human studies."

We shall turn to these truths in tomorrow's concluding installment.

0 Comments
 
Kerry Poised to Cross Yet Another Ethical and Political Boundary
08.25.04 (3:07 pm)   [edit]
"The lobby for embryonic stem cell funding is deeply dishonest. It involves a 'ban' that isn't a ban, a claim of cures 'right on our fingertips' (John Kerry) that falsely implies an early cure for Alzheimer's, and a discounting of promising stem cell research that doesn't involve the creation and destruction of embryos (cells from umbilical cords and adult bone marrow and teeth). Kerry and the Democrats have a case to make. They just don't want to make it honestly."

Columnist John Leo

"With the salesmanship of a faith healer, Kerry dangled promises no responsible scientist would countenance."

Slate columnist William Saletan


"John Kerry's assertions about stem cell research are so obviously untrue and so easily refuted that he must on some level actually believe them--as only an ideologue can."

Eric Cohen, writing in the Weekly Standard


If you think you've heard a lot about "stem cells" so-far, hold on to your hats. To Senator John Kerry, a man still groping for a justification for his candidacy, it must seem as if a gift has been dropped from the sky.

Provided the press gives him a bye [and what are the chances of that?], the junior senator from Massachusetts will continue to promise the moon, extolling what he and kindred partisans modestly describe as stem cells' "magical"--make that "biblical power"-- to cure. They are, of course, talking about embryonic stem cells--cells carved out of living human embryos--but this specificity is often lacking, part of a larger program of misinformation.

Author Saul Bellow once observed, "A great deal of intelligence can be invested in ignorance when the need for illusion is deep." That's a nice way of saying that when rampant error is multiplied by indifference to ethical concerns and compounded by a cavalier disregard for elementary fact checking, it takes a while to shift through all the intellectual wreckage.

Let's start with a couple of examples. In a recent radio address, Kerry stated, "At this very moment, some of the most pioneering cures and treatments are right at our fingertips, but because of the stem-cell ban, they remain beyond our reach."

In a recent overwrought op-ed written for the Washington Post by embryonic stem cell proponents Ruth R. Faden and John D. Gearhart, we're lectured that President Bush "believes that the destruction of embryos can never be morally justified, no matter how much human suffering might be alleviated, even if the embryos are only still a clump of cells not visible to the human eye and even if the embryos will be destroyed in any event in fertility clinics where they are no longer needed."

Beginning tomorrow or Friday, we'll try to make sense of such wildly misleading statements. Suffice it to say here that there is no "ban" on stem cell research. The federal government has poured hundreds of millions into morally acceptable stem cell research, and states and private entrepreneurs are free to pour in their own resources.

Moreover, contrary to Faden and Gearhart, there are enormous ethical issues at stake, not only in embryonic stem cell research and cloning per se, but also in a move in the direction of what Eric Cohen calls "the normalization of the radical in biotechnology." Finally, while it sounds reassuring, in truth all "cures" from embryonic stem cells are theoretical, while the dangers surrounding the commodification of human life are all too real.

Let me devote the remainder of Part One to the politics of Kerry et. al's excursions into stem cell fantasy.

Sen. Kerry, as we all well know, comes into this campaign weighed down with considerable baggage, including a fondness for abortion that includes defending even partial-birth abortion. What to do?

As we've talked about many times here and in National Right to Life News, Kerry has feinted several times in a pseudo-pro-life direction. He trusts that the public, which only vaguely follows most issues, will conclude he is, in his heart of hearts (if not in his voting record) vaguely "pro-life" or at least not a hard-core pro-abortionist.

Someone once said to me Kerry is like a horse with a bit in his mouth. Pulling on it is NARAL and Planned Parenthood. This is nice imagery but completely misleading. Kerry needs no coaxing to aggressively advance the pro-abortion cause.

So, what are his options? As much as possible move the discussion away from abortion, which hurts Kerry, onto something else, which (if properly manipulated) might help Kerry.

Early on, Kerry obviously looked at polling data which show that when the question is poorly worded, it appears as if the public supports embryonic stem cell research. As NRLC's Legislative Director Douglas Johnson has pointed out, Kerry has gone even further, co-sponsoring a bill to allow the mass creation of human embryos by cloning solely for research, as long as they are not allowed to continue developing past 14 days. This stance was reaffirmed by Kerry policy director Sarah Bianchi who, according to the August 10 Wall Street Journal, "says the Kerry bill prohibits cloned embryos from developing for more than 14 days or from being implanted in a uterus so they could produce live births."

But, as is so often the case with Kerry, he has beaten a kind of retreat. On August 19, Bianchi said that Kerry "absolutely [does] not" favor creating human embryos for research? Why the pullback, at least rhetorically? According to NRLC's Johnson,

"Perhaps the Kerry campaign's internal polling has found results similar to those of two new polls, which were conducted independently in mid-August using scientific polling methods (by coincidence, both were released on August 23)." Both showed strong opposition to using human cloning to create human fodder for "medical research."

Kerry will, of course, continue to press his case, confident that a supplicant press will let him get away with shameless hype. Tomorrow, we'll continue our excavation.
0 Comments
 
it's important for young people to vote
08.25.04 (10:51 am)   [edit]
 

Why it's important for young people to vote.




Your vote does count


You may be asking yourself, "Why should I bother to vote? Does my vote count? It's not likely that there's going to be a tie and my vote will be the deciding vote. The same people will win whether I vote or not. So why should I vote?" These are good questions, and it is true that the chances of breaking a tie are not good. But there are other reasons to vote and your vote counts in ways you never thought of.

The government doesn't know who you voted for, but they do know whether or not you voted. They track information for statistical purposes to determine how many young people are voting as compared to other age groups. That way politicians know what age groups to target in order to win elections. The fact that you even voted adds one vote to the number of young people who participated.

cover Old people are the most reliable voters. They have the highest percentage of voters of any age group. And because of that, old people get what they want. If you're running for public office, you better be protecting the interests of old people because old people will vote you out. On the other hand, young people don't vote in large numbers and it's not worth a politicians time to put a lot of effort in courting the young vote. Not that youth isn't important, but if politician A focuses on the young voters and politician B focuses on the old voters, politician B wins, because old people turn out. Turn out is very important because the people who turn out and vote are the ones that rule. If you don't turn out, you lose.

If you show up and vote, and get your friends to show up and vote, you are doing a service to the interests of young people, even if you vote for the wrong person. I wouldn't worry too much about voting for the wrong person the first time. Like I said, it's not likely your vote will be the deciding vote. But if a lot of young people show up and vote, the politicians will get the message that young people are a political force to be reckoned with. The needs of the youth will become more important to elected officials. They'll be more interested in what you need if you turn out to vote.

Even registering to vote sends a message. The government collects statistics on what age groups are registered to vote. If you are registered you become a potential voter. When the word gets out that record numbers of young people are registering to vote, politicians will get the message and will be more interested in what's important to young people. It helps you and young people everywhere if you register to vote.

cover What kind of difference will it make? Suppose a politician is thinking about a big tax cut for the rich and funding it by cutting school loan programs. They look at the old rich voters who vote and give money as opposed to kids who don't show up and vote. That makes them think about taking your school money and giving it to the fat cats. If an honest politician runs against them supporting education and the future of America, the honest politician loses to the crook and the fat cats. Why? Because you didn't show up to vote. By just showing up you change the percentage of young voters and get them more interested in your ideas and opinions.

This world isn't a fair world. If you want to get what you want you have to go out and go after it. You can't count on "them" taking care of you. So if you want to make a difference and be somebody, get registered, and go vote.




Being Politically Effective


cover Many young people wonder, "What can one person do?" You would be amazed by what one person can do if you're willing to get involved. One person, you, can make all the difference by being in the right place at the right time and saying the right thing. You can change the world and make this world a better place. All you have to do is learn how to be politically effective. And if you look over my web site, you'll get an idea how this is done.

Again, the first step is to register to vote and show up to vote on election day. That get's you in the process. But there are several other things you can do to. Politicians travel a lot and come to your town. When they do, go there and meet them. When you meet them, tell them what your interested in. Sometimes they actually listen. If you want to be in the right place, go to where the people who are elected are.

2 Comments
 
The Death of Morality
08.25.04 (10:39 am)   [edit]

It is difficult to gain attention in an era that uses superlatives to describe dishwashing liquid and mayonnaise. Perhaps speaking simply and directly might prove such an oddity that words may again have their proper power. And so, here it is: The greatest moral crisis is now upon us.


I don’t mean the continual, factory slaughter of thousands of babies a day; or the endless parade of carnal innovations mincing across the public square, howling for recognition; or even the redefinition of marriage to include the indefinite union of anything. These are effects, more or less, of the real moral crisis.


The real moral crisis is this: that we, among all human beings who have ever lived, face the end of morality as such. Abortion and infanticide have existed before. So have homosexuality and pedophilia. Exclusive, lifelong heterosexual monogamy was, largely, a Christian mandate, and therefore variations on the definition of marriage are not difficult to come by historically. If these ills were all that plagued us, we would only be facing an especially ugly relapse into the darkness of paganism. But underneath these ills lies a darkness against which even the darkness of paganism is light—the rejection of human nature itself, and hence the rejection of all morality.


The Real Darkness


It is difficult, when our eyes continually have to adjust to each new wave of moral darkness, to be asked to focus on the very heart of darkness. There is at least some form and feature still visible on the current moral landscape, and our eyes are naturally drawn to distinguish things by what light remains. For example, we judge homosexual marriage to be a distortion of heterosexual marriage. Yet if we are to have any hope at all of a new dawn, we must recognize that darkness “without form and void,” into which, like a voracious black hole, the light is so quickly receding. Difficult as it may be, then, we must focus on what it means to reject human nature, that is, to treat human beings as if, ultimately, they were a thing “without form and void.”


How to get at it? How to focus on what amounts to a negation? Perhaps by way of an illustration. Recently, scientists led by Tomohiro Kono, a biologist at the Tokyo University of Agriculture, have created baby mice without the introduction of sperm. They have done so by using two female eggs and genetically “tricking” one of them to function as if its genes came from sperm. It took 457 “reconstructed” eggs, 371 of which survived to be implanted in females, and ten of which made it through gestation. Only one, named Kayuga, made it to adulthood—and, oddly enough, after successfully mating with a male, she had a litter the old-fashioned way. The most common headline for the Kayuga story? “The End of Males.”


Think it’s a long way from mice to men? Then you don’t know the very short history of in vitro fertilization techniques, begun with mice and now commonplace among us. Indeed, in vitro fertilization makes a nice additional illustration of the same point. When I was a teenager, not so very long ago, we used to have a joke based on the propensity of social scientists to announce the obvious as if it were a statistical revelation. “Fifty percent of married people are women,” we’d proclaim with mock scientific grandeur. That was before men wanted to marry men or, even more important, before two women could avoid the matrimonial necessity of a male through in vitro fertilization.


The negation of maleness spells the end of all moral distinctions based on sexuality. For all of human history, the distinction between male and female has been the most natural and primal, and it’s the one on which any moral distinctions in regard to sexuality and marriage are grounded (however badly such distinctions have been drawn and upheld). If male and female are uprooted as natural and necessary distinctions, then all moral distinctions flowing from them shall likewise be destroyed. A ban on gay marriage won’t be necessary; marriage itself will soon disappear, gone the way of parchment, horse-drawn carriages, phonographs, and dial phones.


What we face, then, is the ever more speedy replacement of moral questions with technical questions, so that the moral question “Ought we to do this?” is giving way to the merely technical “Can we do this?” As the “cans” become ever more technically effective, the “oughts” will sputter out their respective swan songs, fade, and then dissipate.


Genesis Undone


We must view this unprecedented phenomenon theologically in order to see its full import. What we are striving for, through ever greater technical power and prowess, is the complete unraveling of what God so tightly bound in creation. Insofar as we have been successful, we are now witnessing the creation account running backwards, form driven back to formlessness, distinction back to a void, light back to darkness. To return to our example, all moral distinctions in regard to sexuality come from sexuality itself, the natural capacity to procreate, to “become one flesh” (Genesis 2:24) in the union of one male and one female. From this fundamental distinction flows not only the very definition of marriage and its perfection, but also the prohibitions against adultery, sex before marriage, homosexuality, contraception, incest, masturbation, bestiality, and pornography. These prohibitions are in one way or another a perversion, a turning away, from the fundamental natural sexual distinction.


Absent this distinction, no moral distinctions can emerge. Angels, as pure spirits, are not divided into male and female. They are not prohibited from adultery because they cannot commit it. They cannot lament the failures of marriage because they cannot succeed at it. They are not wracked by controversies regarding homosexuality because they are not sexual at all.


Enter the technical drive to knead human sexuality like clay—to form men out of women, women out of men with transgendering surgery; or to make “bone of my bones, and flesh of my flesh” through cloning; or all of oneself to “be fruitful and multiply” through genetic manipulation of ova—and the natural division between male and female has been all but erased. The ultimate result is not the creation of pure spirits, we note, but non-gendered sexual demons, like rock singer Marilyn Manson, who mix indiscriminate appetite for sexual pleasure with a lust for disorder itself as the negation of created order. It was with great theological insight that Mel Gibson had Satan appear as androgynous in The Passion of the Christ. Androgyny is the negation of gender, the unraveling denial of the divinely ordained distinction between male and female.


In seeking to remove the divinely ordained natural sexual distinction, we have moved beyond perversion to cosmological rebellion. Perversion distorts what is natural, even while it presupposes it. Homosexual activists now seeking to avail themselves of the name and benefits of monogamous marriage presuppose that marriage is a permanent and exclusive union between two human beings, but that framework itself emerges from the truth that the sexual union of one male and one female produces a quite permanent and indissoluble living union, a child. Circumvent the sexual necessity for male and female to make a child, and blur, smear, and stir male and female like so much paint, and marriage as a moral structure will simply decay through disuse. Behold, the end of marriage—even the perverted form of homosexual marriage.


We may rightly call this cosmological rebellion, and not mere perversion, for two reasons. First, it does not constitute a merely parasitic distortion of what is natural. Ancient homosexuality, such as we find it among the Greeks, elevated sexual pleasure between males above sexual pleasure between male and female, but still relied on heterosexual intercourse for procreation according to the dictates of nature. Male and female were distorted, but not destroyed. We, on the other hand, in our rebellion against nature, are attempting to destroy male and female as such.


Second, one detects more than a little whiff of brimstone in all of this. As C. S. Lewis noted in his Screwtape Letters, Satan cannot create, and since every rival attempt to produce order would merely be an imitation of God’s ordering wisdom and power, then the Evil One must destroy in order to rebel. We seem to be urged, relentlessly drawn, toward the destruction of sexual distinction in the abyss of sexual androgyny and genderless procreation. Marilyn Manson is not an isolated case of perversion. He/she/it is a glimpse of the end of morality, the darkness toward which we are now racing, beyond all moral distinctions, beyond good and evil.


But if such is the end of morality, when did the project to unravel all moral distinctions begin?


The Beginning of the End


It would be tempting to blame the notorious philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche for ushering in the destruction of morality. It was he, after all, who famously declared that all moral distinctions were arbitrary, arising not from nature but from the will to power of a particular person or people. Hence his famous work, Beyond Good and Evil (1886).


Tempting as that may be, because of the power of his philosophical prose and its effect both on his fellow Germans and on liberal intellectuals, the blame would be misplaced. Nietzsche was not a philosophical prophet but an astute reader of the times, picking up and lionizing an already existing Promethean tendency in the West.


We would do better to travel to England, not Germany, and examine the arguments of Francis Bacon (1561-1626) and then Charles Darwin (1809-1882). Bacon is rightly considered to be one of the great founders of modern science. It would be more accurate, since he himself had no laboratory and made no discoveries, to call him the founder of the Promethean aspect of the modern scientific spirit.


Bacon asserted that both philosophy and science had hitherto proved entirely ineffective and sterile because human beings had foolishly taken nature as it presents itself to be the standard of both thinking and acting. Against this, Bacon argued that “a new way must be opened for the human understanding entirely different from any hitherto known.” The new approach to nature? Replace passive acceptance of the natural order with active testing and remolding of nature wherein “by art and the hands of man she [nature personified] is forced out of her natural state, and squeezed and moulded.” Truth, then, does not arise from acceptance and contemplation of nature; rather, truth is what we make. Nature becomes the clay; the scientist, as a kind of semi-deity, becomes the potter, remolding nature according to his will.


Sweeping aside all previous philosophical and theological controversies, Bacon assured his disciples, “I am laboring to lay the foundation, not of any sect or doctrine, but of human utility and power.” Utility and power, as Nietzsche realized several centuries later, doesn’t ask, “What is good and evil?” but rather, “What do I want?” This focus on the will goes beyond good and evil and creates through technical power the ever-greater mastery over nature. The question becomes not what ought to be done but what can be done. While Bacon didn’t apply his arguments directly to the remolding of human nature—except insofar as he made some rather vague promises about the possibility that medicine might grant a real, this-worldly immortality—it takes little imagination to make that obvious step. If the rest of nature is clay, then why not human nature?


Darwin has nearly the status of a saint for modern secularism, and the cultural reverence paid to him has tended to scare off Christians—especially Catholics—from criticizing him. That might change if we understood the true import of his theory. While Bacon aroused the spirit of limitless technical manipulation of nature in general by a new army of Promethean potters, it was Darwin who focused on the ultimate formlessness of human nature in particular. He provided the argument that underneath the apparent permanence of human nature, we ultimately find formless clay, cast and recast a thousand times by the vagaries of natural selection.


Darwin himself realized the alarming nature of his theory and judiciously avoided any mention of human nature in his first and greatest work, The Origin of Species (1859). His silence ended with his Descent of Man, published twelve years after the first edition of the Origin. In his Descent, Darwin made it quite clear that all we think of as specifically human can be explained as the result of natural selection—reason, morality, conscience, religion, music, art, and even the distinction between male and female itself all came about by the same random processes that molded the variety of finch beaks on the Galapagos Islands.


But what nature molds by accident, man may mold to suit his ends. After all, Darwin reminded the reader, such remolding of the clay of nature already occurs among animal breeders through artificial selection. If we take such “scrupulous care” of our “horses, cattle, and dogs,” should we not apply the science of artificial selection to human beings as well? For the good of the race, Darwin maintained, we must take our evolution into our own hands. Thus, Darwin quite clearly advocated eugenics, although it was his cousin Francis Galton, enamored by the Origin, who coined the term. (Those who still doubt that Darwin’s arguments were essentially and consciously eugenic should read not only Darwin’s Descent, but my Moral Darwinism and Richard Weikart’s From Darwin to Hitler: Evolutionary Ethics, Eugenics, and Racism in Germany.)


If we unite Bacon with Darwin, we have the essential spirit of the contemporary attempt to re-create human nature according to an image as yet to be announced. If sexual dimorphism—male and female—is merely the result of the random shuffling and mutations on a string of DNA among our very distant biological ancestors, then there’s little reason to resist the technical urge to redraw sexual boundaries or simply erase them altogether.


So it is, in our society now, that a great division arises between those who recoil in horror at the latest macabre manipulation of human nature as unnatural and those who rejoice at the very same manipulations as signs of humanity’s liberation from nature, between those who happily submit to biology as destiny and those who believe that our destiny is to have complete mastery over biology. This is, to say the least, no small battle; indeed, it is difficult to see what battle would be greater.


The End of Catholic Morality


If Catholics still have trouble getting their feathers ruffled over this, perhaps it would help to state the situation more directly. Catholic morality is based on the natural law. The natural law, as St. Thomas makes clear, is simply the law of our being, that is, the set of moral “oughts” that flow from the “is” of our particular nature. The Baconian-Darwinian project to treat human nature as clay to be remolded by everything from plastic surgery to genetic manipulation is a direct attack on the natural law because it’s a direct attack on our nature. If it were to succeed, Catholic morality would be shown to be utterly without foundation, fit only for history’s dustbin, taking its place alongside Ptolemaic geocentrism, phlogiston theory in chemistry, and the ether in physics as a well-developed theory that was shown, under scientific scrutiny, to be based on fundamental errors about nature.


“Catholics thought,” some supercilious history professor of the not-too-distant future will say with a smirk, “that human nature itself was some kind of an eternal given, that it provided a kind of impassable limit, and that from the ‘eternal givens’ [chuckle!] of human nature something called ‘mo-ral-i-ty’ [and here he/she/it will need to spell this strange word] arose from these givens. This is a somewhat understandable error. Just as it appears that the sun is rising, so also it appeared to them that human beings could only be created in the same way as is common among other animals. This lack of imagination was rooted in a lack of technology. We note this pattern in a number of areas. Telescopes allowed human beings to see that the vastness of the cosmos demonstrated how insignificant a speck they were, and hence they wisely gave up the belief that the Earth was at the center of the universe. So also, the new genetic technologies have made clear: ‘Our only limit is our imagination!’”


And then the professor will lean over the podium, pause for effect, and don a mournful, accusing countenance. “While that may have been a somewhat understandable error, Catholics went further and built an entire system of persecution upon this error. Since they could procreate only through the animal act of male-female intercourse—a process that was itself a kind of biological fluke!—they condemned, nay persecuted, hunted down, attacked any other kind of sexual expression. We can all be thankful those days are over.”


Science Fiction?


Sound like science fiction? A mere literary scare tactic? Well, try this literary exercise. Read Aldous Huxley’s dystopian classic Brave New World, the prophetic science-fiction satire written in 1932. Huxley attempted to paint a nightmarish world in which sexual pleasure has been utterly divorced from love through the use of the test-tube creation of human beings and contraception. The novel was set 600 years in the future, but alas, by the end of the 20th century, so much of the prophecy had become fact that it has almost no effect on readers, and what was meant to frighten now seems merely quaint. I know this as a college professor who has tried to use Brave New World in class. Huxley imagined that the loveless factory production of human beings would turn sex into a mere commonplace recreational activity—but his imagined sexual free-for-all is entirely heterosexual! As for the technical aspect of things, ever try to frighten a class of undergrads with the specter of babies being made in test tubes, only to find out that an increasing number of the students themselves are, in one way or another, test-tube babies?


In regard to the destruction of moral boundaries, then, science fact is outpacing science fiction. For this reason, all that is needed for the triumph of evil, and the subsequent negation of the distinction between good and evil itself, is a smug complacency, an “Oh, they’ll never do that!” Soon enough, even that, whatever that may happen to be, will be so well-established as to seem old-fashioned in comparison with what’s on the horizon. Once we eliminate the notion that human nature is a given and hence that our very nature sets a limit to what we can and should do, then the distinction between science fiction and science fact is merely temporal. Such should be clear, given the speed with which science fictions have become science facts in the last half-century.


That makes it rather easy to be a prophet. Allow me to assume a momentary mantle. The history professor in my fictional exercise above? Expect that within ten years, advanced surgical techniques and tissue cloning will result in “designer gender,” where consumers will choose not only what sexual parts they desire but how many and where to put them. Mark my words on your calendars.


The End of the End


I do not want to give readers the false impression that the only moral distinctions now being erased are between male and female. To take another, even more startling example, the lines are now being technically redrawn between human beings and animals. According to the Baconian-Darwinian project, human beings are just one more transient form that the clay of matter has taken. Thus, as Darwin made quite clear in his Descent, the species distinction “human being” has an ephemeral, not eternal, foundation. But this very distinction is the foundation of the command “Thou shalt not kill.” The prohibition against the murder of innocent human beings presupposes that (1) killing a gnat, a cow, and a human being are very different acts and (2) there is a real difference between living and nonliving beings. Absent these distinctions, the prohibition against killing human beings is merely a parochial and groundless taboo.


Obviously, the presence of abortion has helped immensely to establish the treatment of human beings as mere matter, mere stuff to be disposed of according to our convenience. But an offshoot of abortion is the entire industry bent on the use of such ill-gained “tissue” for medical purposes. As we slide back further into the void, into grayer and grayer realms, medical purposes will soon include health and beauty, so that such techno-cannibalism will spread to products throughout the local drugstore. As demand grows, especially for more advanced flesh, not only will women be paid to grow “fetal tissue” but pharmaceutical laboratories will include embryonic farms.


Killing and not killing, human and nonhuman, living and nonliving, light and dark—all such distinctions that emerge in the Genesis account will recede back into the void, a void beyond all good and evil. “Should we do this?” will then mean only “Is this economically feasible?”


The Last Battle


Such is the real moral crisis, the greatest one possible, since upon its outcome hinges the existence of morality itself. The good news is, oddly, that it is still a crisis; that is, human nature hasn’t been destroyed yet. It is still possible that human nature may be salvaged from the ruins of the project to reconstruct it according to our will.


For Catholics, this is an especially important call to arms. Catholicism almost alone among Christianity roots its moral arguments in the natural law, and hence it has fought almost alone to keep what God has joined and distinguished in creation from falling asunder into indistinction and confusion. To take an important example, almost alone it has rejected the severing of sexual union from procreation through contraception and in vitro fertilization. As should be clear from the above, this severing, which looked so innocent to mainline and even evangelical Protestantism, was the beginning of the end of morality in regard to sexuality. May the realization of this bring about a great ecumenical moment.


We can expect, then, a great battle between those who regard human nature as the sacrosanct origin of all moral distinctions and those who regard human nature as clay under construction. It will be, for all of humanity, the last battle, for it is a battle over the existence of humanity itself.


Benjamin D. Wiker is a senior fellow at the Discovery Institute and a lecturer in theology and science at Franciscan University of Steubenville. He is the author of Moral Darwinism: How We Became Hedonists and Architects of the Culture of Death with Donald DeMarco (Ignatius). He is also currently working on a book titled The Meaning-Full Universe. His Web site is www.benjaminwiker.com.

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A One Issue Organization and Voter
08.25.04 (5:22 am)   [edit]
Over the years, many people, including me, have been on the receiving end of intense, emotionally-charged denunciations for our alleged failure to be "truly" pro-life. Before I go one sentence further, let me be clear that, overwhelmingly, those who bother to call, write, and e-mail are utterly sincere. While there are some who hope to blow on the embers of disagreement in the hope that the Movement will go up in flames, they represent a tiny minority.

The last call I received before I went on vacation and the first call I received when I came back were from women who about took my head off. In a nutshell, what they said (through increasingly clenched teeth, I suspect) was how "dare I" [meaning NRLC] "confine" or "reduce" being pro-life to opposing abortion, euthanasia, and assisted suicide.

Judging by their comments and the people whom they criticized by name, I believe they could fairly be described as "liberals." But I've been on the receiving end of withering criticism from people who would, I believe, readily accept the label "conservative."

Obviously, the two camps differ on what concerns they raise, but they have in common the idea that if NRLC were "truly pro-life," it would (a) add additional issues to our roster of concerns, which, oh by the way, often would mean (b) that candidate "X" flunks the "truly pro-life" test.

Here, in a nutshell, was what I said, plus a couple of things I should have said.

There are a million, mostly negative, stereotypes about pro-lifers, but the one that perhaps is both the most off-base and the most helpful to the pigeon-holing-happy media is that pro-lifers are about as diverse as the population of Greenland. But this is simply not true.

That there are more of one category of people [take your pick] than others--well, duh, of course. But that's about as far as the generalizations work.

Our Movement is comprised of far more women than men, and that most certainly includes leadership positions. It is much younger--and I do mean MUCH younger--than, say, PPFA or NARAL, which has admitted as much, sometimes quite publicly.

There is a tremendous diversity of opinion on collateral issues which really shows up when you talk with or read interviews with campus pro-lifers. When reporters press for background details, these students offer up a wide range of views on a whole spectrum of issues, from the war on terrorism, to the economy, to the best way to fight poverty, to education--you name it. The difference is--as opposed to the two women who chastised me up one side and down the other—that they prioritized opposition to abortion, euthanasia, and assisted suicide.

Understand, that they (and we) never say there ARE no other important issues. Of course there are.

What we do say as a single-issue, non-denominational Movement comprised of disparate individuals and groups is that these are the MOST important issues, so important/crucial/pivotal that our consciences dictate that they constitute the matrix for deciding whom to vote for.

Some people who sincerely oppose these evils subsume them in a wider net of issues. Where we differ is not on whether these are significant issues but in the greater moral weight we assign to opposing abortion, euthanasia, and assisted suicide.

I am trying neither to trivialize the objections of those who read us the riot act or unfairly simplify the debate when I say that without the right to life, no other rights are possible. This is the bottom line for single-issue pro-life voters.

Put another way, the Pro-Life Movement is a coalition of people of widely varying views. Move the discussion off onto any other issue and you will find opinions that run the gamut from A to Z. That has been the case since NRLC was incorporated in 1973. My guess is that as our Movement increasingly is blessed by the infusion of young people, those differences will only grow in a culture that grows less homogenous every year.

My telephone correspondents came into our discussion with different assumptions. Alas, they left the discussion with them intact. And for some people, so will it be always.

But by maintaining with laser-like intensity our single-issue focus, NRLC has been able to accomplish what is, when you think about the array of forces aligned against us, nothing short of amazing.

Our Political Action Committee had tremendous success in both 2000 and 2002. We have a burgeoning network of grassroots organizations from Alaska to Florida, Maine to California.

All public opinion polls show a decided shift in the direction of opposition to abortion on demand. Young people are flocking to our side.

All in all, I think it is absolutely true to say that we are (to borrow an observation from another setting) "the unfiltered voice of democracy."

And we are able to fight against media orthodoxy in a far more effective way than we were able to only a decade ago. To be sure, the jury is still out on whether we win the battle against lethal embryonic stem cell research and cloning that requires the destruction of human embryous, but without our Movement's growth in sophistication, we wouldn't have a prayer.

Were we to listen to the siren call of changing/enlarging/alteri ng our mission statement, all we have worked for for three decades would be lost in a heartbeat.

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THE TRIUMPH OF THE BANALITY OF EVIL
08.24.04 (3:14 pm)   [edit]
The late philosopher Hannah Arendt wrote brilliantly on the causes of totalitarianism, especially as it occurred in Nazi Germany. Perhaps her most memorable phrase-used to describe the way in which Germans became almost immune to human suffering-was the "banality of evil."

That phrase applies equally well today to describe what is happening in America.

To intentionally kill an innocent child who is 80 percent born is not only evil; it is Satanic. The American Medical Association, which is steadfastly in favor of abortion rights, has admitted that partial-birth abortion is never needed to save the life of the mother. Yet thousands of these
abortions take place every year in the United States.

The late senator from New York, Daniel Patrick Moynihan, was "pro-choice," but he drew the line at partial-birth abortion: he properly called it infanticide. Ditto for Ed Koch, the former mayor of New York City. So why is it that so many other abortion-rights public figures continue to defend a
procedure that is so barbaric that it rivals anything done by the likes of Stalin, Hitler, Pol Pot, Mao, Idi Amin or Saddam Hussein?

While it is true that most Americans are opposed to partial-birth abortions, it is also true that most give it little attention. One reason for this is media bias: it has been well established that the media elite are almost
unanimous in their support for abortion-on-demand. So much so that media insiders like Bernie Goldberg and others have admitted that it is extremely difficult for a pro-life person to get hired in any position of influence in journalism or the broadcast industry. Given this monopoly of thought, it is
no wonder why "60 Minutes," or any of the other TV magazine-type shows, will ever do a segment on partial-birth abortion. Wouldn't it be great to learn what the hospitals and clinics do with the "remains"? If that's too gruesome, wouldn't it be great if "Dateline" interviewed the very same doctors who are mentioned on pages 8-9? Or how about ABC's Diane Sawyer? Would she bring that same pained look on her face-you know, the one
she flashed when interviewing Mel Gibson-to work when asking the doctors what kind of scissors they like best? Wouldn't it be instructive to learn how these monsters manage to sleep at night?

The banality of evil really shines through when these doctors are asked about the pain that the baby feels. Not only do they not have a clue-they don't want to know. That's because it's not their job. Their job is to deliver a dead baby-and maybe put a cap on the kid's head before slipping him into one of their little coffins.

Their answers are so icily cold as to be scary. These are well-educated men and women who were trained to help the sick. And what they do for a living is to kill the kids. Is it because the money is good? Maybe it is, but surely they could make lots of money treating people's feet. No, what they elect to do tells us something about the way they see the world: they are
servants, trained to deliver a service. Just like prostitutes, only the ladies of the night don't have to learn how to use a suction tube.

This may come as a surprise to you: not one nation in the world has more liberal laws governing abortion than the United States. Every European nation-including the sexually liberated Scandinavian countries-has some restrictions on abortion. We have none. We know this because a few decades ago a member of the Catholic League's board of advisors, Mary Ann Glendon,
revealed this dirty little secret in a book she did on the subject. The Harvard law professor was herself surprised to learn that the U.S. has the most promiscuous laws on abortion of any nation on the face of the earth.

There are plenty of issues in this election season for voters to consider, and it makes no sense to focus on one to the exclusion of others. But it also makes no sense to treat issues like the environment, housing and the minimum wage as the moral equal of infanticide. Yet that is what many Catholics, including members of the clergy, are urging us to do. It is important that their quest for moral equivalency be resisted.

All of this is very troubling, and not simply because it is immoral to jam a scissors into a little baby's head and then suck out the boy or girl's brain. It is troubling because of what it does to the rest of us. It allows us to retreat-to escape into ourselves. It coarsens us. It promotes the fiction that we can each carve out our own universe, complete with our own morality. In short, such nihilism is deadly in more ways than one.

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Keeping Latin up to Date
08.23.04 (3:30 pm)   [edit]

Latinitas Foundation, Now on Internet, Modernizes an Old Language


What is the equivalent
for "computer," "terrorist" or "cowboy" in Latin?

An agency, now is on Internet, to respond to the problems
Latinists have in dealing with modernity.

"Instrumentum Computatorium" is the way the Latinitas Foundation refers to computers. Those who sow violence and terror are called "tromocrates (-ae)"; while the characters in Westerns are called "armentarius."

The Holy See's Web page introduces this academic institution which, among other things, offers online a brief Italian-Latin dictionary of neologisms.

The foundation has coined 15,000 new words, although it only
presents some of the more common ones on Internet. To consult them fully, one must obtain a copy of "Lexicon Recentis Latinitatis," a reference dictionary sold in some specialized bookstores.

Instituted in 1976 by Pope Paul VI, Latinitas is concerned with the use and growth of Latin, the official language of the Catholic Church, through the publication of books in Latin and through other means.

Among its main activities is the publication of the Latinitas
quarterly review, founded in 1953. Written in Latin, it covers
cultural topics such as literature, philology, history and the
sciences. Among its features is the Diarium Latinum, which covers current events in a journalistic style.

Latinitas also organizes the Certamen Vaticanum, an international competition of Latin poetry and prose, established in 1953. The awards ceremony takes place toward the end of every year.

The foundation organizes classes in Latin with the same method of teaching of modern languages -- namely, Latin in Latin. It also organizes debates, congresses and conferences on Latin culture.

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French Olympian Disgraces Himself Dishonorable Behaviour
08.23.04 (10:44 am)   [edit]
France
French Olympian Disgraces Himself Dishonorable Behaviour (karma: 12 / 12)   
By
sternboden1886 comments, click to view recent comments1102 karma, click to view rated posts Comments: 1886, member since Fri Apr 11, 2003

On Sun Aug 22, 2004 07:29 PM


How do you say "in the spirit of the Olympics" in French?


(I've highlighted the relevant part at the botom of this post. --sb)

Underneath the competition, sportsmanship ethic prevails

Many athletes exude ideals of Games, from embraces in the pool to a fencing timeout.

By Mark Sappenfield | Staff writer of The Christian Science Monitor

ATHENS – By the measure of modern sports, Michael Phelps might as well be Mahatma Gandhi. In a world weaned on the headlong pursuit of home-run records and the precise choreography of touchdown dances, his gesture was almost unheard of.

Yes, he swam in the heats of the 4x100 individual medley relay, so he received a medal. But by bowing out of swimming the final round this weekend, giving his well-earned slot to a teammate, he gave up his place on the podium, a final prime-time lap in the pool, and - as it turned out - a share of a new world record.

It is the seeming miracle of the Olympiad - a two-week window when the idealistic underpinnings of the Games offer a more hopeful view of sport and humanity. In truth, the Olympics simply give the world an opportunity to turn its eyes toward what is always there.


Whether it is the camaraderie of kayakers or medieval chivalry finding a 21st-century form in fencing, the Games bring to light a sporting world that is ordinarily far beyond the American focus. It is the world of the amateur, where contracts play no part in the calculus of competition, and athletes find themselves far more united in anonymity than divided by scoreboards or stopwatches.

To be sure, the foibles and frustrations of humankind find a forum here just as they do outside the Olympic rings - in everything from judging controversies to judo boycotts. The Games are not a separation from the world, but an amplification of it. Yet no other event holds athletes to such high standards of sportsmanship, and no other event so celebrates the noble and selfless in sport.

"Nobody on the US water polo team is going for the money. They're going for the camaraderie," says John Lucas, an Olympic historian who has been to every summer Games since 1960. "There are far more patriotic and high-minded athletes than there are robber barons and drug cheats."

Hugs and handshakes

This year, Phelps has given America a glimpse into the collegial world of swimming, where each race ends not with the last stroke, but with the shower of hugs and handshakes that inevitably follow. At times, swimming can seem a perpetual graduation party without the pointy hats.

The Olympic ideal only adds to that sportsmanship. "Healthy competition, that's what the Olympic Games are all about," says Gary Hall Jr., winner of the men's 50-meter freestyle. "After the race is finished, you shake your competitor's hand. You don't see that anywhere else like you do at the Olympics."

These Games have not been without controversy, whether it's South Korea protesting a scoring error that gave the men's all-around to American gymnast Paul Hamm, or whether it's Aaron Peirsol being temporarily disqualified in the 200-meter backstroke. Yet even when Austrian officials said they would appeal the final ruling on Peirsol, which gave him the gold, silver medalist Markus Rogan said he did not support his country's protest. Peirsol won by two seconds, and Peirsol deserved the gold, he said.

Not surprisingly, the two are good friends.

That's hardly unusual among the summer Games' more modest sports, where the pretensions of professional sports dissolve. Shooters often all take the same bus, no matter which country they're from. The top kayakers in the world even train together.

"It's very open between athletes," says kayaker Rami Zur. "If you beat me, it's because you're better than me, not because of some secret training."

Yet the sportsmanship of these Games is shown in a thousand things far more subtle - and less likely to make prime-time TV. In the animated world of fencing, where every touch is seemingly cause for an international inquiry, it is shown in the earnest embrace after bouts - perhaps not in friendship, but with clear respect. It is evident when a Swedish diver applauds a Canadian colleague after he hits a difficult dive in practice.

And it is obvious at a midnight gymnastics press conference, when the Romanian coach turns to 25-year-old American Mohini Bhardwaj, who has worked for 10 years to make her first Olympic team - and has redefined the accepted age for international gymnasts in the process. "I hope to work with someone like that someday," he says. "It is my dream."

It is as if the monastic life of the amateur Olympian breeds a respect above all for the competition - and the competitor - almost as much as the result.

A saber fencer's decision

Indeed, in many ways, the most telling moment of these Olympics for saber fencer Ivan Lee won't show up on any scorecard. It is the moment he did nothing.

In the midst of a bronze-medal match - and on the verge of claiming the first-ever medal in team fencing for the United States - Lee's Russian opponent raised his hand. He was asking for time.

In a split second, the lunging Lee had to make a gentleman's decision: either continue the attack and score the point or honor the request. Earlier in the day, one of Lee's teammates had similarly asked for time when his fencing mask fell in front of his eyes. His French opponent had responded by smacking the American over the head, winning the point - and eventually the semifinal match by that one point.

For Lee, though, there was no choice to be made. He stopped mid-swing. Minutes later, the American saber team lost the historic bronze - and a chance to bring the sport precious national recognition - again by that one point.

There was not a moment's regret.

"I suppose I could have won the point," says Lee. "But the most important thing to me is how I fence."




--Sternboden
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Traveling with a gun? You should read this
08.23.04 (5:04 am)   [edit]

If you are traveling with a firearm, there are rules laid down by the Transportation Security Administration (TSA) that you need to be aware of.

It is still legal under federal air regulations to fly with firearms:

1] They must be unloaded and in a locked, hard-sided case. The passenger retains the only key to the case. If you’re transporting a handgun, put it inside a locking case inside a larger piece of luggage.

2] Firearms must be declared at the ticket counter when checking in.

3] They may only be transported unloaded as checked baggage in the airplane’s baggage hold.

Typically, you will be escorted from the ticket counter directly to a TSA screening area where security officers will check the bag, then send it through.

4] Ammunition must be in its original container or a container suitable for travel, such as a hard plastic cartridge container.

5] You may not transport loaded cartridge belts, magazines or speed loaders.

You can call the TSA at: 866-289-9673 for more information or go to www.tsa.gov

0 Comments
 
Aborted baby's head left inside woman
08.19.04 (3:25 pm)   [edit]
MATTERS OF LIFE AND DEATH
Aborted baby's head left inside woman
Couple horrified to find face of child after returning home



Posted: August 19, 2004
1:00 a.m. Eastern



© 2004 WorldNe tDaily.com


A British hospital is now investigating the case of a woman who had an abortion, but then was shocked to find out the head of her unborn baby had been left inside her.

Davina Chambers, 29, became pregnant this year with her fourth child, but she had just been diagnosed with autoimmune hepatitis, a disease eating away at her liver.














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"In January, I was a patient at King's College Hospital because I was jaundiced," Chambers told the Voice, which bills itself as Britain's best black newspaper. "The doctors wanted me to stay in the hospital, but after a week I told them that they had to let me out because I had to go home to take care of my three children. My children have always been my priorities. They're my angels."

Chambers became an outpatient at the facility, going in for checkups every two weeks as she needed continual monitoring.

It was during routine medical tests she discovered she was 12 weeks pregnant.

"At the time I was taking eight tablets a day and had all this radiation from the scans, so I couldn't believe that I could be pregnant," she told the paper.

Chambers made the difficult decision to have an abortion.

"I started thinking about it. Here I am very ill, already with three children, and I was very depressed because of the medication I was on."

She was booked into the hospital for the procedure, and even chose to have a coil contraceptive inserted to prevent any future pregnancies.

"When I woke up on the ward, they said that I had had three scans and everything was fine," she told the Voice.

But once she returned home, an unseemly problem began to make itself known.






Davina Chambers and the face of her unborn child (courtesy: The Voice)

"At midnight, my ex-partner knocked on the door to check if I was all right. ... I went to the bathroom and as I was sitting there, I just felt something slip out of me as if I had just given birth. I looked in the toilet and saw this lump that seemed to have a bone in it. So I showed it to my former partner."

The couple realized they were looking at the face of their unborn child, seeing the eyes, nose, mouth and ears. The tiny head measured no more than 4 centimeters.

"We just broke down and cried at what we were seeing. We couldn't believe it," Chambers sobbed to the paper.

"I phoned an ambulance and they took me to the hospital to make sure that no other parts were left inside of me. They said I could have died if it had stayed inside me."

She was able to discuss the situation with the doctor who had performed her abortion.

"He leaned over my bedside and said, 'I am so sorry. In all the procedures I've done, I've never come across this,'" she said. "He even tried to take the head away, but I said I wanted to keep it because we wanted to have a proper burial."

A distraught Chambers is now seeking legal advice on what to do next.

"I feel as if I'm going insane now; I can't just let this happen to me," she said.

A spokeswoman for King's College Hospital told the Voice: "We are aware of this patient and we did receive a complaint. We are now investigating but we cannot release any information until our investigation is complete."

0 Comments
 
Translation Error Leads to False Arrest
08.19.04 (5:20 am)   [edit]

In an incredible turn of events, Yassin Muhiddin Aref, who was accused by the Department of Defense of being a terrorist and a "missile delivery commander", will be released from jail today and all charges will be dropped due to a translation error in documents found in a terrorist camp in Northern Iraq.

"We found these documents in Northern Iraq and we had them translated by our expert in-house translators." Stated James Johnson William, a Department of Defense analyst, "Well, there is this phrase in Arabic, 'ashtun hatun batar', which, depending on the context, can mean 'missile delivery commander' or 'pizza delivery boy'. It's one of those quirky language things. You know, like the words 'to' or 'two' or 'too' in English. Depends on the context when you hear it. Anyhow. We found his name with that phrase next to it in an address book of a known terrorist. As it turns out, he was their pizza delivery boy. When they got hungry at night, he would bring pizzas to them. Not missiles. It's an easy mistake to make."

The FBI found the error in translation after they read the name 'Yassin Muhiddin Aref' and remembered that they once had pizza delivered to them in their office by him.

"Yeah. It was so weird." Stated an FBI agent who wished to remain anonymous, "We were looking at the intelligence and saw this guy's name. Then I looked up his history. He came over to the U.S. a year ago and was working in this pizza joint. Well, I then started thinking that the name sounded familiar. I called up the place where we ordered our pizza from last night and bam! He was working there. I feel bad for the guy. I mean his entire family stopped talking to him because they thought he was a terrorist. All I can say is, sorry!"

Yassin Muhiddin Aref was charged with helping in the delivery of missiles in New York for the purpose of committing a terrorist attack to kill a Pakistani diplomat.

In other news, Johnny Cochran announced this morning that he will represent Yassin in a law suit against the United States.

3 Comments
 
How to Tell a Fox From a Duck
08.17.04 (10:46 am)   [edit]

Most Rev. Charles J. Chaput, O.F.M. Cap.
Archbishop of Denver

Thinking with the Church as we look toward November
"If it quacks like a duck and looks like a duck and walks like a duck, it's probably a duck. A fox can claim to be a duck all day long. But he's still a fox."

We've all heard that saying, or some version of it, a thousand
times. The reason is simple: It's true. Our actions prove who we are. If a gulf exists between what we say, how we look and what we do, we're not living in a spirit of truth. A fox, even if he quacks, is still a fox. Sooner or later, it becomes obvious.

I remembered this last week as I read yet another news report about candidates who claim to be Catholic and then prominently ignore their own faith on matters of public policy. We've come a long way from John F. Kennedy, who merely locked his faith in the closet. Now we have Catholic senators who take pride in arguing for legislation that threatens and destroys life — and who then also take Communion.

The kindest explanation for this sort of behavior is that a lot of Catholic candidates don't know their own faith. And that's why, in a spirit of charity, the Holy See offered its guidance and encouragement in a little document last year On Some Questions Regarding the Participation of Catholics in Public Life.

Nothing in this Roman document is new. But it offers a vision of public service filled with common sense.

First, quoting John Paul II, it reminds us that, "man cannot be
separated from God, nor politics from morality." In other words, unless our personal faith shapes our public choices and actions, it's just a pious delusion. Private faith, if it's genuine, always becomes public witness — including political witness.

Second, while Christians "must recognize the legitimacy of differing points of view about the organization of worldly affairs," they are also "called to reject, as injurious to democratic life, a conception of pluralism that reflects moral relativism." Appeals to a phony definition of pluralism and tolerance can never excuse inaction in the face of grave evil — including attacks on the sanctity of life. Catholics can only ensure real pluralism by "living and acting in conformity" with their religious convictions so that, "through political life, society will become more just and more consistent with the dignity of the human person."

Third, "(democracy) only succeeds to the extent that it is based on a correct understanding of the human person." Catholic lawmakers who do not vigorously seek to protect human dignity and the sanctity of human life from conception to natural death are not serving democracy. They are betraying it.

Fourth, "those who are directly involved in lawmaking bodies have a 'grave and clear obligation to oppose' any law that attacks human life. For them, as for every Catholic, it is impossible to promote such laws or to vote for them." Politics is the exercise of power. Power always has moral implications. And God will hold each of us accountable — from the average voter to senators and presidents — for how well we have used our political power to serve the common good and the human person.

"Pro-choice" candidates who claim to be Catholic bring all of us to a crossroads in this election year. Many Catholics, including some Church leaders, argue that "(we) should not limit (our) concern to one issue, no matter how fundamental that issue is." That's true — but it can also be misleading.

Catholics have a duty to work tirelessly for human dignity at every stage of life, and to demand the same of their lawmakers. But some issues are jugular. Some issues take priority. Abortion, immigration law, international trade policy, the death penalty and housing for the poor are all vitally important issues. But no amount of calculating can make them equal in gravity.

The right to life comes first. It precedes and undergirds every
other social issue or group of issues. This is why Blessed John
XXIII listed it as the first human right in his great encyclical on world peace, Pacem in Terris. And as the
U.S. bishops stressed in their 1998 pastoral letter Living the Gospel of Life, the right to life is the foundation of every other right.

The humorist James Thurber once wrote that "you can fool too many of the people too much of the time." Our job as Catholics this election year — if we're serious about our faith — is to not get fooled.

Candidates who claim to be "Catholic" but who publicly ignore
Catholic teaching about the sanctity of human life are offering a dishonest public witness. They may try to look Catholic and sound Catholic, but unless they act Catholic in their public service and political choices, they're really a very different kind of creature.

And real Catholics should vote accordingly.

0 Comments
 
Abortion - Pro-life Arguments
08.16.04 (5:24 am)   [edit]

The scientific evidence is clear, a biologically distinct human individual is present from the moment of conception.


This is irrefutable. The conceptus is certainly NO blob of the mother's tissue. In fact IT IS IN CHARGE, releasing a chemical from its cells (human chorionic gonadotrophin) that SHUTS DOWN menstruation and begins the effects of pregnancy in the mother.


Abortion is, therefore, the direct, intentional ending of an individual human life, biologically distinct from that of the mother or father. It cannot be anything other than the subjective judgment that this life has no value, or lesser value, than the mother's.


Once a society permits this it has no logical reason, other than the will of individuals or the state, to forbid infanticide, euthanasia and selective homicide (as in Nazi Germany) for eugenic or other reasons found to be persuasive.


Another pro-life argument is the philosophical one. Philosophically we can trace our individual, personal being and existence back to the moment of conception.


Therefore, "you" and "I" were once this little one-celled, or two-celled, or four-celled human being.


Not only does human life begin biologically at conception, but the ineffable mystery of the person does, as well. The ending of a life in the womb is the ending of the personal "I" that would have been conscious of itself later on.


The absence of the means of consciousness in the womb, as at any stage of life, does not mean the person is not present, any more than being mentally deficient, asleep or in a coma means that "Betty" or "Bill" or whomever has ceased to be human person.


The continuity of human personhood is the same as the continuity of human life, otherwise, we are reduced to the illogic that it depends on the human will when personhood begins - the mother accepts it, or the state accepts it, or it is conscious of itself, or some other subjective criteria.


As far as theology is concerned it can be shown that in the "Didache" (Teaching of the Twelve Apostles, 2nd century), and other early writings, both abortion and infanticide were condemned.


At no time has the Church done otherwise, though the penalties have varied in different eras based on judgements about when the human being was biologically and philosophically present. Science has since resolved those questions, as noted above, so that we know today with certainty that human life begins and should be protected "from the moment of conception."

0 Comments
 
Q & A on Catholic Politicians and Abortion
08.13.04 (8:02 am)   [edit]







 


1. Isn't withholding Communion from Catholics who publicly support abortion, embryonic stem-cell research, gay marriage and similar grave evils, a violation of the separation of Church and State?

If the U.S. government told the Catholic Church it must give Holy  Communion to such politicians that would be a violation of the Constitution, not the other way around. The Church's right to its own internal governance according to its own teachings is precisely what the Constitution protects! The First Amendment states, 



Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of grievances.


This amendment ensures that the U.S. Congress will not establish a religion as the religion of the United States. In England the established religion was and is Anglicanism, as it was in Virginia and other of the American colonies. Many state constitutions adopted the same provision, although established churches with special rights persisted into the 1800s in some states. These anti-establishment clauses protect the freedom of believers and their Churches, Synagogues, Mosques and Temples from the interference of the Federal and state governments.


2. Isn't it contrary to the freedom of conscience of Catholic politicians to condition their participation in Holy Communion to the Church's stance on moral issues?


The Church is the sacrament of salvation which continues the redemptive mission of Jesus Christ in the world. He does not force salvation on anyone. People freely choose to enter or remain in the Church. They likewise freely choose to recite the Nicene Creed at Sunday Mass, in which they affirm the divine institution and authority of the Church: I believe in One, Holy Catholic and Apostolic Church. To not hold Catholic politicians to the solemn commitments of the faith which they have made would be to say that freedom of conscience means being able to freely make and break solemn commitments made to God.


So, in the end the Catholic politician is free to disagree with Church teaching, vote as he or she pleases, and the Church is likewise free to refuse Holy Communion to those who are unworthy.


3. In a pluralistic society isn't it better, however, if a politician makes up his own mind, without being sectarian and advancing only the views of his own religion?


First, in no other matter, save religion, is a politician expected to leave his personal beliefs at the door to civil office. Yet, in no other matter, save religion, is the right to personal belief protected by the Constitution, for citizens and politicians alike.


Secondly, some worldview is going to be the foundation of everyone's thinking, giving it coherence and direction. It might be atheism, agnosticism, scientism, communism, feminism, nihilism or simple egotism, but, for most people it is religion. It determines their conscience and, as a consequence, their decisions and actions. To ask them to set it aside, or for them to set it aside, may have the appearance of pluralism but in reality it calls into question their  integrity. If something so important can be set aside, how can they be trusted to hold to other less important principles.


Sadly, opinion polls show that the public has a low confidence in politicians, believing that they flip-flop according to the political winds. Nothing could be more disastrous for a democracy. Far better to have a man of known principles in office, even if they are not entirely one's own, than a man of no principle. The ancient political philosophers, such as Plato and Cicero, correctly identified the weakness of democracy, its tendency to mob mentality over principle. For democracy to work the principles of politicians need to be known and their word be trustworthy.


4. If that is the case, why not also withhold communion from Catholic politicians who voted in favor of the Iraq war or who favor the death penalty? Aren't these Catholic teachings as well?


There are indeed Catholic teachings on the subject of war and on the subject of capital punishment, and the principles regarding them  have the same authority as the teaching on abortion. In all life issues the first principle is the same, "one may not take the life of an innocent human being." In the case of abortion the child is always innocent, therefore, it is always intrinsically evil to take the life of the unborn, whether a fetus or an embryo.


However, neither war nor capital punishment are intrinsically evil. On the contrary, the authority for war and for capital punishment are inherent in the right of self-defense of the individual and of the state. Naturally, there are principles governing the just use of this right which must be accepted by Catholics. However, Catholics can, and do, disagree among themselves as to the application of these principles to particular cases. The Pope's strong words against both modern war and the use of capital punishment except in rare circumstances have not changed Catholic teaching on the right of justified self-defense, even with deadly force, nor could they. Rather, he has argued for a culture of life that eschews violence except when absolutely necessary. In this I believe he is prudentially right if we are to reverse the culture of death in our world.


So, on the one hand there is an intrinsic moral evil, abortion, which kills a million in the U.S. each year and tens of millions worldwide, and on the other hand there is war, possibly unjustified, which has killed thousands. There is really no comparison.


5. What about social programs? Shouldn't Catholic politicians uphold the Catholic position on the social agenda in economics, the environment, labor unions, etc?


The assumption is faulty, as there is no official Catholic position, except at the level of principles. Yes, the Church favors a social net to protect those who cannot protect themselves. Likewise it favors protecting the environment, labor laws that protect workers, the right to organize unions etc.. These papal and conciliar teachings tell us what a just society should be. However, they don't tell politicians exactly how to attain it, that is, what balance of public versus private services, of state control versus free market, of capital versus labor, and so on on, best achieves the goal. The Church provides the principles, but their application is a matter of political prudence, and their success depends on factors often outside of human control.


In the end the achievement of political consensus on social policies is generally justified. However, this is not true when the matter in question is an objective evil. No one may ever do evil that good may come of it.


6. Why are the bishops doing this now, rather than having done it all along?


I suppose they thought that they could win such politicians with argument. In fact, the trend has been entirely the other way, with some Catholic politicians taking more and more extreme positions despite the clear teaching of the Church. In the process, the scandal of their public positions at odds with divine law has won many of the Catholic laity to those positions. Without the strong medicine of ecclesiastical sanctions this trend appears irreversible.


7. Where did this law come from that is being invoked to withhold Communion?


It comes from the divine law. Holy Communion is Jesus Himself, God-made-man. By divine law, directly revealed in Sacred Scripture, the Body and Blood of the Lord must be received worthily, otherwise the person condemns themselves (1 Cor. 11:27-32).


Secondly, it comes from Church teaching and law. The Council of Trent formally taught that one must receive Holy Communion worthily, that is, in the state of grace (Decree on the Holy Eucharist, Ch. VIII). The 1917 Code of Canon Law and its 1983 revision, both oblige a Catholic who is conscious of grave sin to go to confession before receiving Holy Communion and provides that the minister of Communion not admit those to Holy Communion who are guilty of manifest grave sin.


8. What does Church law say specifically?


First, most people who have need of the sacrament of confession are not public sinners. Their sins are known to themselves, the persons they may have sinned against, and others who may have found out, such as family and friends. Church law provides that they are responsible for going to Confession or refraining from Communion themselves (c. 916). Such persons cannot be publicly refused Holy Communion if they publicly ask for it, such as by coming forward at Mass.



Canon 912   Any baptized person who is not prohibited by law can and must be admitted to Holy Communion.


Canon 916 A person who is conscious of grave sin is not to celebrate Mass or to receive the Body of the Lord without prior sacramental confession unless a grave reason is present and there is no opportunity of confessing; in this case the person is to be mindful of the obligation to make an act of perfect contrition, including the intention of confessing as soon as possible.


However, the Code of Canon Law also provides,



Canon 915   Those who are excommunicated or interdicted after the imposition or declaration of the penalty and others who obstinately persist in manifest grave sin are not to be admitted to Holy Communion.


Who are those who must be refused, that is, "are not to be admitted to Holy Communion"? The moral and canonical tradition of the Church explains it as those who are "publicly unworthy" (1917 Code c. 855, 1), that is, who despite having been warned have not repented and repaired the public scandal ("obstinately persist") in some public condition of grave sinfulness ("manifest grave sin"). This certainly applies to anyone, and not just politicians, who publicly and unrepentantly promote and advance grave evils, such as abortion, which the Church has formally identified as such.

Answered by Colin B. Donovan, STL
0 Comments
 
Making a Sham Of Military Honors
08.12.04 (10:46 am)   [edit]





Making A Sham Of Military Honors
The Virginian-Pilot
August 12, 2004

Only the lowest of the low would pretend to be the best of the best.


There are enough false heroes sporting unearned military medals for valor and bravery to fill an entire hall of dishonor. And it's a problem that just won't go away.


One such fake hero, Navy Capt. Roger Dean Edwards, was highlighted in a recent front-page news story.


His impressive chest of medals included the Silver Star, the Legion of Merit, the Purple Heart and the Defense Meritorious Service Medal. They made Edwards, executive assistant to the Marine Corps medical officer, stand tall in a crowd.


Unfortunately, he stood out in the wrong one. During a ceremony to make him an honorary Marine, Edwards came under the suspicious glare of FBI agent Thomas Cottone Jr., who has spent the past nine years busting bogus war heroes.


Cottone, with help from B.G. Burkett, a Texas businessman who documents military frauds, had the pleasure of bringing Edwards to justice. Turns out nearly half the medals he wore were fraudulent.


After being sentenced to 115 days in jail and fined $7,500, Edwards says he's "a broken man" and feels disgraced. His lawyer argued that Edwards had committed a "victimless crime" and caused "no manifest injury" to the Marine Corps.


That argument is as bogus as Edwards' medals. Edwards cheapened the honor and respect that's bestowed every time a medal is awarded to men and women serving our country.


The Navy captain now joins a yellow crowd that includes former Toronto Blue Jays manager Tim Johnson, who was given the boot in 1999 after his lies about a tour of duty in Vietnam were exposed; and Illinois Judge Michael O'Brien, who falsely claimed to be a two- time Medal of Honor recipient.


In 2001, 219 Virginians claimed to be Medal of Honor winners on their income taxes. But only four men in the state have actually received the medal.


Thanks to easy access at military surplus stores and gun shows, any wannabe hero can buy "proof" of his bravery. A Silver Star sells on the Internet for $35; a Navy Cross will set you back $85.


Kudos to Cottone, Burkett and others for preserving the integrity of our nation's military awards.


Lies such as Edwards' will persist as long as the world is populated by insecure people with a need to brag. Anyone impressed by Medal of Honor, Navy Cross, Navy SEAL or other claims would be wise to take such assertions with a big grain of salt.


After all, true heroes rarely boast of their achievements.

Sound Off...What do you think? Join the discussion.

0 Comments
 
Russian claim discovery of ET spaceship wreck
08.12.04 (10:10 am)   [edit]









www.chinaview.cn 2004-08-12 15:36:55






  BEIJING, Aug.12 (Xinhuanet) -- Russian scientists said they have discovered the wreck of an alien device at the site of an unexplained explosion in Siberia almost a hundred years ago, China Daily reported today, citing the Interfax news agency as the source.








[AFP]


    The scientists, who belong to the Tunguska space phenomenon public state fund, said they found the remains of an extra-terrestrial device that allegedly crashed near the Tunguska river in Siberia in 1908.


    T heir findings also include a 50-kilogram (110-pound) rock which they have sent to the Siberian city of Krasnoyarsk for analysis.

    T he Tunguska blast, in a desolate part of Siberia, remains one of the 20th century's biggest scientific mysteries.

    O n June 30, 1908, what is widely believed to be a meteorite exploded a few kilometers above the Tunguska river, in a blast that was felt hundreds of kilometers (miles) away and devastated over 2,000 square kilometers of Siberian forest. Enditem


If this story did prove to be true and correct, what a bomb shell it could prove to be.

0 Comments
 
Jesus in Art
08.12.04 (5:37 am)   [edit]

There are no descriptions of Jesus’ appearance in the New Testament. Nor are there any reputable descriptions in any known early Church sources. St. Augustine of Hippo made a point of this when he wrote his monumental works in the fifth century. Yet, starting in the sixth century a new common appearance for Jesus emerged in eastern art. We see it today in hundreds of icons, paintings, mosaics, and Byzantine coins.


This common quality seems to have started in the Middle East about the same time that the Image of Edessa was discovered. Prior to this time, images of Jesus were mostly of a young, beardless man, often with short hair, often in story-like settings in which he was depicted as a shepherd.


Abruptly, throughout the Middle East, and eventually throughout eastern Mediterranean Europe, depictions of Jesus became full frontal portraits with distinctive facial characteristics. Jesus now had shoulder length hair, an elongated thin nose, and a forked beard. Numerous other characteristics appeared in these portraits, and some of them were seemingly strange and of no particular artistic merit. Many portraits had two wisps of hair that dropped at an angle from a central parting of the hair. Many works showed Jesus with large “owlish” eyes. Paul Vignon, a French scholar, who first categorized these facial attributes in 1930, also described a square cornered U shape between the eyebrows, a downward pointing triangle on the bridge of the nose, a raised right eyebrow, accents on both cheeks with the accent on the right cheek being somewhat lower, an enlarged left nostril, an accent line below the nose, a gap in the beard below the lower lip, and hair on one side of the head that was shorter than on the other side.


Jennifer Speake who wrote a chapter, “Jesus in Art,” in J. R. Porter’s Jesus Christ: the Jesus of History, the Christ of Faith, observed:


Famous relics that claim to bear the true imprint of Christ’s features include the controversial Shroud of Turin and the Holy Mandylion of Edessa; the iconography of both of these promoted the now conventional image of Jesus as a bearded man.
Keep in mind that many historians consider that the Shroud of Turin and the Holy Mandylion of Edessa are very likely one in the same. And keep in mind, too, that this iconography started some six centuries before the carbon-14-determined date for the Shroud.

Now with modern image analysis technology we can clearly see that the portraits in numerous works of art are most probably sourced from a single image; the Shroud of Turin. Some most notable and telling portraits include:


 Christ Pantocrator, an icon at St. Catherine’s Monastery in the Sinai (550 C.E.)
 Byzantine Justinian II solidus, a coin (695)
 Icon of Christ at St. Ambrose, (now in Milan) (700s)
 Christ Enthroned, a mosaic in the narthex of Hagia Sophia Cathedral (850 - 900)
 Christ Pantocrator, a dome mosaic in a church in Daphni (1050 - 1100)
 Christ the Merciful, a mosaic icon now in a Berlin museum (1000s)
 Christ Pantocrator, an apse mosaic in Cefalu Cathedral, Sicily (1148)


The Chrysanthemum image found on the Shroud is particularly significant. What makes this so is not just the prominence and clarity of the image on the Shroud, but the fact that this flower is depicted accurately, as to its likeness and relationship to the face, on some early icons and coins. This includes the Pantocrator icon at St. Catherine’s Monastery and the seventh century Justinian solidus coin.

0 Comments
 
Condeleeza Rice VP?
08.10.04 (10:34 am)   [edit]

Should President Bush dump Vice President Cheney and replace him with Condeleeza Rice?


This would more than assure his re-election. It would also put Vice President Rice in a clear position to beat Hillary Clinton in 2008.


Ms. Rice would become the first black President and the first women President. It would insure a Republican in the White House for the next 12 years. And if she ran with Jeb Bush as her Vice President, it would insure Republican Presidents for the next 20 years!

Ms. Rice would gather a large percentage of black votes not because she is black, but because the Democratic party has left conservative blacks out of the picture. Conservative Christian blacks have no place in the Democratic Party anymore. They don't approve of abortion. They don't approve of gay marriage. And they don't approve of the Democratic platform that de-values Christian values. Ms Rice is the perfect candidate for the conservative disenfranchised blacks.

Vice President Cheney! Please do what's right for the party and resign!
Remember, they told Spiro Agnew... "Go Quietly... or Else!"

2 Comments
 
Al-Sadr Begins Negotiations for His Death at Coalition Hands
08.10.04 (5:41 am)   [edit]

(email to a friend)


NAJAF, Iraq - Radical Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr has vowed to fight against coalition forces still providing security in Iraq until 'his last drop of blood has been spilled'. "We have been in negotiations with Mr. al-Sadr for about a week now," explained General Lawrence Clovets, "He's won't agree to surrender, but he has shown interest in our arrangement of 'protracted assassination' in which we maintain a cordon around him and his men until they are forced to venture out. Then we pick them off one by one." "It's not as good as we'd hoped for, naturally," said one Mahdi Army negotiator, "But at least our death in battle will be assured."





"Personally, I could live with surrender."

-- Soldier in Muqtada al-Sadr's Mahdi Army
Such negotiations are uncommon, but not unheard of. "Before the close of World War II, there is evidence that Hitler contacted Churchill to request a bombing raid on Berlin, targeted to detonate the bunker he expected to retreat to," explained historian Wilhelm Getweight, "But of course Churchill would hear none of it. It's a curious fact of human history that when an enemy fights for his life, he is mortally attacked. But when he offers his life readily, it is more often than not spared."

Al-Sadr did not agree to be interviewed for this report, however an underling confirmed that he is serious about accepting death before surrender. "Personally, I could live with surrender," the soldier admitted, "But the leader has determined his fate, and ours. I accept it. You have to admire a man that's willing to have us all give our lives for something he believes in. That didn't seem to come out quite right, but you know what I mean."

General Clovets predicts a deal will be struck in the next several days. "He's already told us he doesn't want to be gassed or bombed, which was good news for us. Bombs are pricey," he said, "We would prefer a bullet, or perhaps a mortar. I'm sure we'll have something on the table that makes everyone happy before too much longer."

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The Shroud of Caiaphas
08.09.04 (11:47 am)   [edit]

discyellow20His name was Joseph Caiaphas. At the time of Jesus’ crucifixion he was the high priest of the Temple in Jerusalem and, as the Gospels tell us, was instrumental in Jesus’ arrest. Later, he would go on the persecute some in the early Jerusalem Church before being dismissed from his post by Lucius Vitellius, the Roman governor of Syria under Tiberius.



Though no longer the high priest, after 37 CE, Caiaphas was still a man of privilege. He had married into the powerful high-priestly family of Annas and he was undoubtedly a man of means. He certainly was among the Jewish elite who would one day be buried in one of tombs carved into the outcroppings of limestone on the outskirts of Jerusalem. As was the Jewish custom, his family would later return, perhaps in a year or two, after his flesh had rotted away, to gather his bones and place them in a bone box. The 1990 discovery of his ossuary of with the Aramaic inscription, Yehosef bar Kayafa' tells us they did return.  


Many people are familiar with second burial, particularly since the discovery of Caiaphas’ ossuary and the recent announcement that an ossuary had been found with the challenged Aramaic inscription: Ya'akov bar-Yosef akhui diYeshua, “James, son of Joseph, brother of Jesus.” But few people are familiar with a chemical process that likely took place in the tombs in and about the Jerusalem of the late-second temple era, a process that could profoundly affect our thinking in the ongoing quest for the historical Jesus and our understanding of the early church. It is the stuff of modern forensic science applied to history.  
Unknown to anyone then, something quite sensational happened in the minutes and hours after a great sealing stone was moved in front of the entranceway to Caiaphas’ sepulcher. What happened, happened silently, in the dark solitude and stillness of his tomb. There were no witnesses.  


Slowly, two ghostlike, bleary images began to take form on his fine linen burial shroud. Had there been light in the tomb and had someone been able to bear the stench of the amine vapors of cadaverine and putrescine, he might have been able to pull back Caiaphas’ shroud and witness the slowly forming straw-yellow images. Then again, the witness might have seen nothing even though ‘images’ were forming. Because of temperature or humidity or any number of factors, the images might have been still invisible to the human eye. They might have been latent images, like the images on camera film before the film is developed; there but not seeable. No darkroom chemicals would be needed to develop these images of Caiaphas; one from the front and one from the back. The images, if not already so, would eventually be straw-yellow and quite discernable. All that was needed was time; time for a seemingly magical process to run its course. 


No modern chemist would call the process magical. No, it’s a Maillard reaction, a complex chemical process that produces caramel-like products or Melanoidins. This image forming process probably happened frequently in the limestone tombs outside the walls of ancient Jerusalem tombs. Heavy volatile amine molecules came forth from the body and reacted with a mixture of glycoside sugars and starch fractions that coated the outermost fibers of linen burial cloths in those days and in that part of the world. 


We can be confident that residues of starch and saccharides were there on the cloths. Thanks to the great Roman encyclopedist, Gaius Plinius Secundus, the man we know as Pliny the Elder (23-77 CE) we understand how linen was made in the first century. After hand spinning the fibers of the flax plant into yarn, individual hanks of yarn were bleached and dried. When it was time to weave the yarn (thread) into cloth, warp threads were strung vertically on a loom so that weft threads could be passed over and under them. On the loom, the warp threads were lubricated with crude starch to make weaving easier. Doing so reduced friction and lessened the chance of fraying. When a length of linen cloth was finished it was removed from the loom and washed in the suds of the Soapwort plant (Saponaria officinalis). After washing out the starch, the linen was laid out across bushes or hung to dry.  


Where Pliny leaves off, the modern chemist picks up. Washing, even with repeated rinsing is not perfect. Soapy residues and small amounts of starch remained in the water soaked cloth. As the cloth dried, moisture wicked its way to the surface to evaporate into the air. As the water made its way to the surface it carried with it dissolved starch fractions and saccharides: glucose, fucose, galactose, arabinose, xylose, rhamnose, and glucuronic acid. As the water evaporated into the air these chemicals were deposited as a superthin coating on the crown fibers, the very outermost fibers of the thread. Chemists say this superficial residue of reactive saccharides is at the evaporation surface of the cloth.  


Many things would affect how the images would form as the amines met the saccharides: ambient temperatures and humidity in the tomb; the body chemistry of the corpse influenced by diet, disease and possible trauma; the application of different burial spices; and the remaining quantity of residue and evenness of the coating on the cloth. Even the tightness of the weave that affects porosity is a factor. Nonetheless some imaging would take place. The process would continue until the reactants were exhausted or until fluidic bodily decomposition products formed and ravaged the images and the cloth. Soon the cloth would rot away along with the body. There would be no flesh, no cloth and no images when Caiaphas’ family returned to gather his bones into an ossuary.  
Had, at the right moment, the cloth and the body it enshrouded been separated, and had the tomb been open so that cloth might be preserved, we might very well have something of a picture of Caiaphas today. But that didn’t happen.  


Is this how the images were formed on the Shroud of Turin? As we will see, from a chemist’s perspective, the answer must be an almost certain yes. But it is a chaotic, untidy yes.  


It is important to note that linen cloth, as typically produced after the twelfth century and into our era, will not produce amine/saccharides images. In Pliny’s time, each hank of yarn or thread for the cloth was bleached before weaving. Such bleaching did not result in uniformly white yarn and because many hanks of yarn were required to make linen cloth, the cloth was not uniformly white. We see this, for instance, in the Turin Shroud. It has a broad variegated appearance where yarn from one hank was spliced into yarn from another during weaving. One place this is particularly noticeable is in the face image where darker bands of cloth affect the way we see the image. The darker bands, because of their location at the edge of the face, make the face look gaunter than it really is. But bleaching after weaving, as done in the medieval bleaching fields of Europe and in modern mills, prevents a reactive coating. It makes for better quality linen but it will not allow an image to form.  


It is also especially important to note that there will be two such coatings. The side of the cloth that faces the sun and dries the fastest will have a dominant coating of starch fractions and saccharides from the soap. The other side will have a lesser coating. Both sides will react to the amines since some of the vapors will diffuse through the cloth. Indeed, we should have a more distinct image on one side of the cloth and a less distinct image on the other side. That is the significance of the discovery of a second facial image on the Shroud as recently reported in the peer-reviewed scientific Journal of Optics of the Institute of Physics in London (April 14, 2004). From spectral analysis, microscopy and image analysis, we see that this is how the cloth of the Shroud of Turin was manufactured. From this, and from a modern knowledge of pathology and chemistry, we can hypothesize that this was how the images were formed on it.  


Modern chemistry actually lets us examine the images on the Shroud of Turin, which may be our only known surviving burial shroud with chemical images. On the Turin cloth, they are formed of conjugated, complex double carbon bonds within a carbohydrate layer of starch fractions and expected saccharides. In many places this layer is clear. It is only in some places that complex carbon structures have formed; structures that absorb the right spectrums of the colors of light so they appear straw-yellow. The layer in which the color resides is as thin as the transparent scratchproof coating on eyeglasses. It is as thin in places as180 nanometers and as thick in other places as 600 nanometers and it coats only the extreme outermost fibers. By comparison, the average diameter of a linen fiber is 15,000 nanometers. The average human hair is 100,000 nanometers thick.  


We can imagine that such a natural process occurred on thousands of shrouds of thousands of the wealthy and privileged Jews. From excavations we know that men and women and children were buried this way. In a rare exception, where groundwater had created a sealed environment conducive to some degree of preservation in a tomb, a carbonized shroud has been found in the Hinnon Valley. And other, non-Jewish, Nabatean burials shrouds made from linen, wool and leather have been found giving evidence that such burial cloths were common in the region among Semitic peoples.
 
But there are many unsolved puzzles. How is it that such near perfect images formed? It is as though the very molecules of amine vapors ignored Graham’s Law of Diffusion and the contours of the cloth draped across a body. And how is it that the chemical reaction ran just long enough to produce a discernible image yet stopped soon enough to avoid washout or over-saturation. In the parlance of photography we have, surprisingly, a well focused image that is not underexposed or overexposed.  


It is these near perfect images—photorealistic may be the right term here—that convinces so many that the images are the work of an artist or crafter of fake relics. And that is understandable until one recognizes that the images we see, and perhaps marvel at, are the product of modern technology. The images on the Shroud itself are in a sense latent. It is only when we photograph the Shroud and look at a negative that we see a positive image. The color of the image on the Shroud is so pale, so confined to a narrow range of color between white and not-so-white, that we must enhance the contrast. It is unfathomable to think that someone, before the advent of modern technology, reverse engineered clear images so as to make them not recognizable. Why so? Indeed, how so? How were the images formed within a superthin carbohydrate layer of starch and sugar, as thin as the wall of a soap bubble.  


We should not think, now, that we have the answer. What we have is a new starting point for further thinking. Modern day revisionists who wonder if Jesus was buried in a tomb, must ask if the Shroud is possible evidence that he was; that he was buried with the intention that family or friends or maybe his followers would someday return to rebury his remains in an ossuary? Were those plans interrupted, the Shroud separated from the body, and tomb somehow open, so that the cloth might be preserved? Those who place great stock in the literalism of John’s Gospel might ask what it was that the Beloved Disciple saw. Those who struggle to find the stories within the stories might ponder what it was that the disciple Thomas saw in the upper room? We might ask anew, where did these lines of poetry come from; buried in the "Hymn of the Pearl" (also the Hymn of the Soul), itself imbedded within the apocryphal Acts of Thomas:  


But all in the moment I faced it / This robe seemed to me like a mirror, And in it I saw my whole self / Moreover I faced myself facing into it. For we were two together divided / Yet in one we stood in one likeness.
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THE IMPORTANCE OF FEMININE VALUES IN THE LIFE OF SOCIETY
08.06.04 (5:37 am)   [edit]

Among the fundamental values linked to women's actual lives is what has been called a “capacity for the other”. Although a certain type of feminist rhetoric makes demands “for ourselves”, women preserve the deep intuition of the goodness in their lives of those actions which elicit life, and contribute to the growth and protection of the other.


This intuition is linked to women's physical capacity to give life. Whether lived out or remaining potential, this capacity is a reality that structures the female personality in a profound way. It allows her to acquire maturity very quickly, and gives a sense of the seriousness of life and of its responsibilities. A sense and a respect for what is concrete develop in her, opposed to abstractions which are so often fatal for the existence of individuals and society. It is women, in the end, who even in very desperate situations, as attested by history past and present, possess a singular capacity to persevere in adversity, to keep life going even in extreme situations, to hold tenaciously to the future, and finally to remember with tears the value of every human life.


Although motherhood is a key element of women's identity, this does not mean that women should be considered from the sole perspective of physical procreation. In this area, there can be serious distortions, which extol biological fecundity in purely quantitative terms and are often accompanied by dangerous disrespect for women. The existence of the Christian vocation of virginity, radical with regard to both the Old Testament tradition and the demands made by many societies, is of the greatest importance in this regard. Virginity refutes any attempt to enclose women in mere biological destiny. Just as virginity receives from physical motherhood the insight that there is no vocation except in the concrete gift of oneself to the other, so physical motherhood receives from virginity an insight into its fundamentally spiritual dimension: it is in not being content only to give physical life that the other truly comes into existence. This means that motherhood can find forms of full realization also where there is no physical procreation.


In this perspective, one understands the irreplaceable role of women in all aspects of family and social life involving human relationships and caring for others. Here what John Paul II has termed the genius of women becomes very clear. It implies first of all that women be significantly and actively present in the family, “the primordial and, in a certain sense sovereign society”, since it is here above all that the features of a people take shape; it is here that its members acquire basic teachings. They learn to love inasmuch as they are unconditionally loved, they learn respect for others inasmuch as they are respected, they learn to know the face of God inasmuch as they receive a first revelation of it from a father and a mother full of attention in their regard. Whenever these fundamental experiences are lacking, society as a whole suffers violence and becomes in turn the progenitor of more violence. It means also that women should be present in the world of work and in the organization of society, and that women should have access to positions of responsibility which allow them to inspire the policies of nations and to promote innovative solutions to economic and social problems.


In this regard, it cannot be forgotten that the interrelationship between these two activities – family and work – has, for women, characteristics different from those in the case of men. The harmonization of the organization of work and laws governing work with the demands stemming from the mission of women within the family is a challenge. The question is not only legal, economic and organizational; it is above all a question of mentality, culture, and respect. Indeed, a just valuing of the work of women within the family is required. In this way, women who freely desire will be able to devote the totality of their time to the work of the household without being stigmatized by society or penalized financially, while those who wish also to engage in other work may be able to do so with an appropriate work-schedule, and not have to choose between relinquishing their family life or enduring continual stress, with negative consequences for one's own equilibrium and the harmony of the family. As John Paul II has written, “it will redound to the credit of society to make it possible for a mother – without inhibiting her freedom, without psychological or practical discrimination and without penalizing her as compared with other women – to devote herself to taking care of her children and educating them in accordance with their needs, which vary with age”.


It is appropriate however to recall that the feminine values mentioned here are above all human values: the human condition of man and woman created in the image of God is one and indivisible. It is only because women are more immediately attuned to these values that they are the reminder and the privileged sign of such values. But, in the final analysis, every human being, man or woman, is destined to be “for the other”. In this perspective, that which is called “femininity” is more than simply an attribute of the female sex. The word designates indeed the fundamental human capacity to live for the other and because of the other.


Therefore, the promotion of women within society must be understood and desired as a humanization accomplished through those values, rediscovered thanks to women. Every outlook which presents itself as a conflict between the sexes is only an illusion and a danger: it would end in segregation and competition between men and women, and would promote a solipsism nourished by a false conception of freedom.


Without prejudice to the advancement of women's rights in society and the family, these observations seek to correct the perspective which views men as enemies to be overcome. The proper condition of the male-female relationship cannot be a kind of mistrustful and defensive opposition. Their relationship needs to be lived in peace and in the happiness of shared love.


On a more concrete level, if social policies – in the areas of education, work, family, access to services and civic participation – must combat all unjust sexual discrimination, they must also listen to the aspirations and identify the needs of all. The defence and promotion of equal dignity and common personal values must be harmonized with attentive recognition of the difference and reciprocity between the sexes where this is relevant to the realization of one's humanity, whether male or female.

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Sun goes down on Riviera as holiday hotspot
08.05.04 (10:48 am)   [edit]
The Times
London

Empty deckchairs are a common sight everywhere from Nice to Marseilles.

JOSETTE pointed despairingly at the yellow-and-white deckchairs on the beach.

“At this time of year, they should all have someone sitting in them,” she said. “But look. They’re empty and it’s like that all the way along the sea front; rows and rows of empty deckchairs.”

Across the French Riviera, from Nice to Marseilles, it is the same story. One of the world’s most famous stretches of coastline is struggling to attract tourists.

After three years of small, steady decreases in bookings, hoteliers and campsite owners are witnessing a record slump this summer. Although they have cut prices and allowed customers to negotiate substantial discounts, the number of visitors is likely to be 20 per cent down on last year, according to Philippe Baute, director of the tourist office in Antibes. Other French regions, such as Brittany, say visitor levels have remained steady.

The Côte d’Azur, once a magnet for artists, film stars, millionaires and 35 million ordinary holidaymakers every year, has gone out of fashion, M Baute said. Wealthy tourists are heading elsewhere, he added, while the middle classes, notably the Germans and the Italians, have stayed at home. Only the British were still flocking to the Riviera.

“At first, people blamed the September 11 terrorist attacks and the war in Iraq for the fall-off,” he said. “Now, we’ve got to stop kidding ourselves and recognise that there’s something else going on.

“The truth is that a holiday here is no longer a must. A decade ago you just had to come here if you wanted to be seen as trendy. Today, people go to Croatia, or North Africa or Cuba or somewhere like that. Or they look at their bank accounts and decide they’re not going anywhere.

“It’s like any form of human activity that is fashionable for a long time. One day it ends up by becoming unfashionable. That’s inevitable.”

For 13 years, Josette has hired a section of the beach at Juan-les-Pins from local authorities for about £10 a square metre, installing a restaurant and deck chairs opposite the Promenade du Soleil.

It used to be lucrative. The 70 deckchairs, rented for €12 (£8) a day, generated a handsome income in July and August and dozens of diners paid €3 for a cola, €18 for an entre- côte or grilled tuna and €10.60 for a salade niçoise. But this week, the busiest of the year, Josette is serving between 30 and 50 meals at lunchtime, “which is not very many”.

Worse, she has to offer price cuts to persuade sunseekers to hire one of her deckchairs.

“In theory, it’s €12 for a whole day and €8 for half a day. But if someone turns up in the afternoon for a couple of hours, we only charge €5,” she said with a shrug.
Where had all her customers gone? Josette, a small, wiry, middle-aged woman in a white T-shirt, leant over the counter and whispered. “They’ve died and when they’re still alive, they’re in retirement homes. The younger generations just don’t come here.”

Hervé Mathey, sitting under vines that had been trained along horizontal metal bars to provide shade in the garden of Hotel Paprika in Juan-les-Pins, echoed Josette’s analysis.

“The generation that made the Riviera was aged between 30 and 40 in the 1950s,” said M Mathey, president of the Union of Hotel and Restaurant Owners in Antibes and Juan-les-Pins. “They were the ones that had all the parties. They were the swingers.

“But they’ve grown old and bought flats here and now they object to noise. You can’t have a party on the beach any more and the bars have to close early. The Riviera has become calm; it’s been sterilised.” As a result, he said, jet-setters had left for cities such as Dubrovnik or Marrakech.

With the beautiful people deserting southern France, the badly dressed were dominant. “The women still make an effort to dress up and look nice, but the men are a catastrophe.” said M Mathey. “They all go out in Bermuda shorts and flip-flops. It’s disastrous for our image.” He said that all the hotels in the region had registered a fall in bookings this summer, and his was no exception. “I’ ve got sixteen rooms and four are empty this week. They should all be full at this time. We have been sitting here an hour and have you seen anyone come in looking for a room? Have you heard the phone ring?” When Riviera hoteliers and officials are not blaming the dress sense of holidaymakers, they blame the euro for their plight. They say it has had a double impact. On the one hand it has led to creeping inflation — as M Mathey points out, the price of a baguette has gone up 50 per cent in France since the French franc disappeared — leaving families with less disposable income.

On the other hand, it has enabled European tourists to compare prices and see just how expensive the Riviera is.

“Beforehand, the Germans arrived with their marks and they felt rich here,” said M Baute. “Now they come and see that they’re paying €1.60 for a coffee in Antibes, compared with €0.90 back home.”

The French, too, are shunning the Riviera, and moaning about the expense when they do come here.

“It’s pricey,” said Serge, a pensioner from Paris staying at a campsite in Antibes. “In Juan-les-Pins, we paid €78 for two deckchairs and lunch of mussels and chips, two bottles of water, a Coca-Cola and two coffees.”

Such sentiments were widespread but not quite universal. On the French Riviera you can still find some happy tourists. They are the British.

www.timesonline.co.uk . . .
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France Reads Americans Sooo Wrong!
08.04.04 (10:53 am)   [edit]

By VICTOR DAVIS HANSON

"Kerry must win, you see, so we can be friends again." You hear things like this these days in Europe. George Bush's campaign staffers may tease about John Kerry's French connections, his Europhile mannerisms, and his unguarded boasts that the Continent is pulling for him, but such caricatures are closer to the truth than even the Republican operatives suspect.

Europeans casually talk of the Kerry rapprochement to come, as if in their magnanimity they have given us one last chance to return to sobriety. They exude a bold confidence, even to strangers, that the brightened prospects of the Democratic challenger are proof that America has seen the European light and therefore, of course, Mr. Kerry must win. Never has Europe been so emotionally involved in an American election -- and never to their peril have they read us so wrong.

Michael Moore is offered up as proof of grassroots American unhappiness with the president. Was he not perched in an exalted seat at the Democratic convention?

 

Completely lost on Europeans is that Mr. Moore, for all his notoriety, is still a cult figure. An icon among the Moveon.org crowd, and when used gingerly a good weapon of the Democratic Party, he is still otherwise a polarizing figure disliked by the majority of America that votes.

 

As the list of cinematic distortions in his recent film grows, "Fahrenheit 9/11" increasingly will be relegated to the genre of crass propaganda once mastered by the far more gifted Leni Riefenstahl in her similarly slanted "political documentary," "Triumph of Will."

More serious Europeans point out that the anger of our seasoned ex-diplomats and retired generals is further evidence that Americans are tired of Mr. Bush's unilateralism. Of course, out-of-work diplomats are keen to find fault with their successors. And few American administrations have proved as controversial in refashioning American foreign policy as have the blunt-speaking George Bush, Dick Cheney, Condoleezza Rice and Donald Rumsfeld. All are fat targets after radically altering America's prior relationships with Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Libya, dividing Europe into Old and New, questioning the role of American troops in NATO and in South Korea, and parting with Yasser Arafat. Yet all these sensationalized developments were long overdue, and precisely for that reason they may well become institutionalized, so much so that even a Kerry victory can do little to overturn them.

Maria Teresa Thierstein Simoes-Ferreira Heinz Kerry is a big hit in Europe, as if a native of colonial Mozambique has unique insight into the pathologies of the American experience. But as the summer wears on, fairly or unfairly, this force-multiplier of her husband's Europeanism is beginning to grate like some character out of a Henry James novel -- reflecting our own unease with the predictable mixture of acquired fortune, haute culture and aristocratic disdain. The private luxury jet and save-the-planet environmentalism go down in Fresno about as well as "Shove it" buttresses her sermon on the need for a new "civility." Ms. Kerry's gratuitous use of "un-American," both on "60 Minutes" and again to a persistent journalist, reflects a complete ignorance of the considerable baggage that such a cheap epithet carries in the collective American memory.

Despite the lectures, Americans find Europe itself a vast sea of contradictions. The French write and talk obsessively about Anglo-American adventurism in Iraq. Yet with an easy two-day drive an American can visit more than 50,000 British and American dead soldiers, resting at places like Hamm, St. Avold, Epinal, Omaha Beach, Ranville and Bayeux. The irony seems lost that the recently much-maligned Anglo-Saxon muscularity that ended Baathist Iraq is the logical successor to the same unapologetic partnership of Churchill and Roosevelt that once interfered in continental Europe to save it from its own indigenous fascism.

In this regard, blinkered European Union utopianism is thematic in its post-1960s World War II museums. Guides, videos and brochures remonstrate, often in self-righteous indignation, about the follies of war, violence and racism. Only at American and British cemeteries, in contrast, does one receive a different view of what the SS Panzers were really up to -- and how they were stopped. Words like courage, sacrifice and duty are chiseled on the architraves of granite pavilions. Like mute stone totems, they look out over thousands of white crosses. In this context, the well-meaning, but entirely impotent European efforts at curbing genocide in the Sudan or the nuclearization of Iran make one doubt the vaunted new efficacy of "soft power" -- triangulation always predicated on the threat of real American hard force in the shadows.

Europeans talk of the Kerrys' environmentalism in tired references to the American reluctance to sign the Kyoto accords, a flawed treaty that no Democratic president could defend and few Democratic senators would ratify. In the meantime, one sees an occasional train rush alongside the Rhine spewing from its lavatories raw human waste onto the tracks. Mammoth nuclear plants dot the French countryside. Restaurants are so smoke-filled that the pâté takes on the flavor of Gauloise, and tipsy afternoon drivers emerge from upscale restaurants with three or four glasses of wine under their belts to swerve on antiquated roads. Tourists take cheap shots that they fear being cooked alive in an August Paris flat or being buried in rubble at de Gaulle airport.

McDonald's is prominent among the stylish cafés of Luxembourg. Dubbed-in "Friends" and "Jerry Springer" blare from hotel televisions. Bare navels, Ray-Bans, pierced everything, and baggy jeans suggest a studied effort to emulate the look of Venice Beach. For a bewildered American, the key in squaring the anti-American rhetoric with the Valley Girl reality is simply to understand Western Europeans as elite Americans. Their upscale leisured culture is not much different from Malibu, Austin and Dupont Circle, that likewise excuse their crass submission to popular American tastes through the de rigueur slurs about the "corporations," "Bush-Cheney," and "Halliburton." Perhaps this notion that Europe itself has become a cultural appendage of the U.S. explains why it views our upcoming election as a referendum on its own future as well.

None of these paradoxes is new. Yet the European meddling in this particular presidential election is. Less talked about is that the image of an allied Europe has been shattered here at home. And all the retired NATO brass and Council on Foreign Relations grandees are finding it hard to put the pieces back together again. The American public now wants to be told exactly why thousands in their undermanned military are stationed in a continent larger and richer than our own without conventional enemies on its borders. If Europeans think it is nonsensical to connect Iraq with our own post 9/11 security, then Americans believe it is far more absurd to envision an American-led NATO patrolling their skies and roads 15 years after a nearby hostile empire collapsed -- especially when NATO turns out to be as isolationist as America is expected to be engaged abroad.

The election of John Kerry would probably not reverse either the current policy in Iraq or the ongoing reappraisal of our foreign relations. The European fixation with the upcoming election and rabid hatred of George Bush instead may backfire here at home; indeed, even now European animus acerbates our own growing unease with what we read and see abroad. As never before the Europeans have unabashedly called for the defeat of an incumbent American president in the next election.

They better hope that George Bush loses.

Mr. Hanson, a military historian, is a senior fellow at Stanford's Hoover Institution.

The Wall Street Journal
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Some Voters Will Go to Hell
08.03.04 (8:21 am)   [edit]
Anyone who knowingly or through indifference
votes irresponsibly is not a practicing believer.
Only practicing believers are admitted into Heaven.

Hell exists! Religious belief or non belief is irrelevant.

A grave offense against God is committed when someone votes for anyone who is pro-abortion or pro-choice from the instance of conception. A candidate who is not morally for innocent life should not be expected to be just in civil affairs. One who votes favorably for such a candidate is guilty as an accomplice in murder against the Commandments of God.

Of the 25 below listed disqualifications for public office, at any level of government, this is seen as the best summary consideration for it supports the prime commandment of God, "Be fertile and multiply." [Gn. 1:28]

If a candidate fails to state he is anti-abortion under all circumstances he may not be voted for.

No social consideration may ever be considered as being more important than that of innocent life. In the sight of God starvation or other materialistic consideration is never a reason for murdering the unborn.

As long as elections are a high stakes money game, an honest man has little or no chance of being elected, nor do honest people have any real choice between candidates who are often promoted and financed by secret organizations. (See Funding below.)

Secret societies, associated and offshoot Organizations:
Freemasons (Masons), Bildebergers, Trilateral Commission, Council on Foreign Relations, Illuminati, Skull and Bones Society, Rhodes Scholars, B'nai B'rith, Communists, Marxists, Mormons, Bohemian Grove Club Members, Jehovah Witnesses, Muslim Extremists, Etcetera.

Voters who go to Hell.

This is directed at anyone who claims belief in one eternal God (Godhead). It would be well if these offensive conditions where formatted into a questionnaire to be answered by every person seeking any sort of public office.

Approximately two weeks before any election the results should be distributed by mail to every residence along with statements by every candidate concerning his position on pertinent issues.
Funding for this publishing should come from the monies collected by governments on income tax forms. These funds are now distributed only to specially ranked candidates. This would give every candidate, rich or poor, a realistic opportunity to be elected to public office. Formal published candidate statements, organized into a single mailing, would tend to alleviate corruption now associated with elections.
No collected funds should be distributed to any candidate or political party for any reason.
If seen as being beneficial, a series of three or four such leaflets could be distributed beginning about two months before elections. This would give candidates an opportunity to respond to statements made against them or concerning positions needing clarification.

How one votes can mean the difference between going to Heaven or to Hell. Those who are not careful about who they vote for rate as being offensive to God.

Those who vote for any of the following and fail to sincerely repent before death ?an event that can take place at any stage of life? should expect to spend eternity suffering in hell:

Someone who has ever been a pederast, pedophile, or ephebophile (includes anyone who has sexually approached someone under 20 years of age, or, if under 22 then someone more than two years younger than them self).

Someone who is known to have ever been homosexually active, or practices or does not oppose the practice of bestiality (a sodomite).

Someone who has willingly had, performed, assisted, or been otherwise directly involved with a procured abortion. This includes anyone who has paid for, transported to, legalized, or maintained the legalization of abortion (heads of any level of government, congressmen and equivalent, law enforcement officials, district attorney's, prosecuting attorneys, judges, media producers, directors, publishers, editors, actors, commentators, etc).

Someone who has practiced or approves of research or experimentation on a fertilized ovum (egg).

Someone who has practiced or approves of in vitro fertilization or any form of unnatural fertilization.

One who has committed an act of murder (murder is the willful killing of an innocent person ? innocent person excludes anyone involved at the time with criminal activity and those guilty of a capital crime.)

Someone who is either pro abortion or pro choice (no difference).

Someone who approves of suicide (self murder) ? any act that kills oneself while not having the immediate result of saving one or more innocent lives. Included are acts or endorsements of self-killing by any culture or religious belief that encourages or rewards acts of suicide regardless of motivation (Jews who give honor to acts of suicide such as took place at Masada in 73 A.D. ? mass suicide of all 400 defenders of a hilltop fortress to avoid capture by the Roman army. This remains as an unparalleled political symbol of Jewish solidarity and resistance preference for humanistic values over spiritual values; Muslims who approve of suicide bombing, etc.).

Someone who is involved with or approves of any form of devil or idol worship.

Someone who is or has been a member of a Secret Society. This includes all levels of freemasonry, break off or modeled after organizations, the illuminati, and others.

Someone who is known to have ever committed or approved of adultery.

Someone who has committed incest or is known not to oppose incest.

Someone who has committed rape or believes rape can be used as a means of punishment.

Someone who practices bigamy or polygamy, or belongs to a belief system that approves of either.

One who has been divorced or does not oppose divorce.

Someone who approves of male and female non marriage live together arrangements or coed dormitories.

Someone who has not or will not oppose pornography or public nudity.

Someone who opposes the belief that the Constitution only states that government may not form a religion or endorse a particular religion; or opposes the concept that sound Christian religious principals or beliefs in a holy God may not be endorsed.

Someone who approves of non murderous forms of birth control or population control.

Someone who is a repetitious fornicator (an unmarried person known to have had sex upon more than one occasion with a person of the opposite sex).

Someone who endorses socialism (a welfare state).

Someone who does not believe in a good, holy, and eternal God.

Someone who has ever or would ever appoint any of the foregoing to public service.

Someone who is a member of a religion or pseudo religion that approves of any evil acts.

Someone who does not hold to a clearly defined doctrine of belief that is available in the public forum.

Have you or will you vote for someone whose voting record or platform supports any form of sin?

Do not let politicians or media divert attention to less important issues no matter how important they may seem at the moment.

Positions supporting welfare, education, public works and so forth. All of these positions are of non importance when it comes to the question of righteous voting (voting not leading to eternal damnation).

Righteous people voted into office will look for the long term good of all people. The unrighteous are deceivers only interested in their own welfare, regardless of public positions taken.

Those who by reason of party affiliation vote for someone without checking the candidates personal position on issues are to be thought of as indifferent to God's will and are not likely to get into Heaven.

5 Comments
 
Strippers ready for Republican Convention!
08.03.04 (5:26 am)   [edit]


As always, In order to keep readers up to date on the latest and greatest on politics. Obviously sex, scandal and a grand ol' time accompanies every social event!!!

With a convention, well......comes entertainment and......sex. Heck sex is not a four lettered word, it is a three lettered word. Sex is a powerful motivator, one of the most desired things that drives mankind, much like food, shelter and basic survival skills, just ask Willy..........er....Nelson.

So I say, in the spirit of jockularity (sp), let us go forward and upwards to erect the righteousness of this holiest of holy weak ends!!! Let the bums rule!

I give this story a two thumbs up!!!!!


"With thousands of Republicans set to invade the city this summer, high-priced escorts and strippers are preparing for one grand old party.

Agencies are flying in extra call girls from around the globe to meet the expected demand during the Aug. 30-Sept. 2 gathering at Madison Square Garden.

"We have girls from London, Seattle, California, all coming in for that week," said a madam at a Manhattan escort service. "It's the week everyone wants to work."

"It's going to be big," agreed one operator at a midtown escort service."

1 Comments
 
MEDIA EMAIL ADDRESSES
08.02.04 (3:18 pm)   [edit]
The Media needs more views than what they have been getting. Send them a copy of your blogs everytime you write.

This page of email addresses is NOT designed to be used to send individual emails. It is designed so you can copy and paste them into your emails! This could be compared to sending a bulk mailing via the post office!

THE PREFERRED WAY

There is NO preferred way to use this list. Some people send emails to their Congressional Representatives and CC (copy) all the media email addresses.

Other people prefer to BCC (Blind copy) the email addresses. The reason for this is because they want whoever is reading the email to actually READ what they have to say! With thousands of email addresses appearing BEFORE the actual message, it is less likely the Congressional staffer will ever read the email, therefore your email may NEVER be counted!

If you want to let your Congressional Representatives know that you have also emailed the media, you can now include the link to this page and write a p.s. at the bottom of your email telling them you have BCC'd the email to thousands of media people!



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US TELEVISION NETWORKS:

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UNITED STATES SENATE

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suzanne.malveaux@nbc.com, josh.mankiewicz@nbc.com, bob.mckeown@nbc.com, jim.miklaszewski@nbc.com, keith.miller@nbc.com, andrea.mitchell@nbc.com, russell.moore@nbc.com, keith.morrison@nbc.com, dennis.murphy@nbc.com, lisa.myers@nbc.com, soledad.obrien@nbc.com, roger.oneil@nbc.com, bizcenter@cnbc.com, today@nbc.com, stone.phillips@nbc.com, geraud.prince@nbc.com, ed.rabel@nbc.com, john.seigenthaler@nbc.com, eliott.walker@nbc.com, kevin.tibbles@nbc.com, bill.wheatley@nbc.com, pete.williams@nbc.com, brian.williams@nbc.com, jeff.zucker@nbc.com, mlpbs@mountainlake.pbs.org, programming@thirteen.org, wbngtv@stny.lrun.com, wcny_online@wcny.org, info@weny.com, news36@weny.com, info@wetmtv.com, wfff@westelcom.com, news1@whec.com, wivtnews@ackerley.com, wixt@digital-sherpas.com, skimatian@ackerley.com, rlombard@ackerley.com, mrinefierd@ackerley.com, wkbwtv@wkbw.com, blongo@wkbw.com, ransomb@wkbw.com, nsanders@wkbw.com, wkbw@aol.com

FIREFIGHTERS UNIONS:

eversbur@erols.com, SeagraveMd@aol.com, TRT4@aol.com, bowensb@erols.com, eddie124@aol.com, nvarealtor@aol.com, tompolera@aol.com, bonk@udel.edu, tb20downtown@yahoo.com, fedreal@aol.com, christian.pellini@oegb.or.at, dumpling1985@aol.com, kdelor6274@aol.com, Dchehr52@aol.com, IBTruckie@AOL.com, feuerwehr1122@uboot.com, mblauterbach@4alarm.net, mblauterbach@4alarm.net, gahonagerald@latinmail.com, fugitive16@hotmail.com, RoxieFoxy68@protigy.net, Blazemstr@home.com, toytruck86@netzero.net, jpacfd@hotmail.com, levinamy@earthlink.net, ems111c@yahoo.com, patricknlisa1@home.com, ONION564@yahoo.com, etejera@infocenter.com.py, F85PRES@aol.com, HTR004@aol.com, UFAFDNY@aol.com, SSPFPA@aol.com, Auxiliary@iaffl2924.com, ERollins@iaffl2924.com, CRamsey@iaffl2924.com, JMichel@iaffl2924.com, NLowery@iaffl2924.com, KPravetz@iaffl2924.com, RMyers@iaffl2924.com, rslush@erols.com, sdinsley@erols.com, egmayer@erols.com, admin@lifesaving.com, powrwash4u@aol.com, atlcity371@aol.com, fire8man@aol.com, jpacfd@juno.com, jwaltman@acc.pa.net, Tecrec104@aol.com, jimrudd@erols.com, jarbogast@artechservices.com, fatcapt@aol.com, JMS258@erols.com, hijscott@yahoo.com, jpjones@moonstar.com, JBREWE@writeme.com, XfuzzyX@aol.com, secretary@apfpa.org, kkentfm@bellatlantic.net, khjblj@aol.com, fireguard1@aol.com, MEDIC6200@aol.com, firematt@erols.com, president@apfpa.org, medmikey@aol.com, knoz@erols.com, pbellis@shentel.net, Lddr34@aol.com, Teamvalv@aol.com, ray.ewers@erols.com, speedbump@erols.com, tekrec@aol.com, vicepresident@apfpa.org, bswart@erols.com, bfd1166@aol.com, FFRHILL516@aol.com, rmm2068@hotmail.com, iaff2068@patriot.net, local2068@aol.com, 8139180029@page.nextel.com, 8139180027@page.nextel.com, 8139180023@page.nextel.com, 8139180017@page.nextel.com, 8139189573@page.nextel.com, 8139189618@page.nextel.com, 8139189579@page.nextel.com, 8139189329@page.nextel.com, cboles@hcfflocal2294.org, fhagen@hcfflocal2294.org, rsawyer@hcfflocal2294.org, kschmitt@hcfflocal2294.org, ptfd@battlecreek.net, Mail@iafflocal2598.org, local2800@apfpa.org, chowderclub@apfpa.org, theblaze@apfpa.org, goodandwelfare@apfpa.org, secretary@apfpa.org, vicepresident@apfpa.org, president@apfpa.org, astutz@juno.com, bert4138@aol.com, firedoc@kaka.com, BHLOGO1@AOL.COM, HTR004@aol.com, ems74@erols.com, Goindy@msn.com, CKStumpy@cs.com, bkdrft73@aol.com, chucksat@knight-hub.com, claytonep@gateway.net, berry@servint.com, davidkelly@esatclear.ie, santinidavid@netscape.net, Capt106B@AOL.com, djs232@yahoo.com, wevancamp@yahoo.com, Eric.Peterson@sbcfire.com, sid_viscous@earthlink.net, Sabin.Perkins@sbcfire.com, Steve.Hobbs@sbcfire.com, Tom.Franklin@sbcfire.com, Rick.Todd@sbcfire.com, Bob.Bible@sbcfire.com, Ralph.Devane@sbcfire.com, feosoo@aol.com, Sergio.Sanchez@sbcfire.com, surf11rdr7@aol.com, Craig.Thomas@sbcfire.com, jcfrd@yahoo.com, DMichaliga@aol.com, rjkuley@aol.com, hscot1@aol.com, akthiel@aol.com, jcfrd@yahoo.com, ajhubert@aol.com, PJM4197@aol.com, Kincaid4@erols.com, resqfred@AOL.com, medickat@hotmail.com, pj121562@aol.com, PaulW53020@aol.com, richdo@compuserve.com, fyremedic24911@aol.com, dazry@AOL.com, sandypitts@Naples.net, sjwernert72@hotmail.com, gold46405@AOL.com, Mutton142@AOL.com, TOMFFEMTP@email.msn.com, tbuck08@AOL.com, Feyfollow@aol.com, vairovane@yahoo.com, shtgnmary@AOL.com, gdewitt3444@hotmail.com, leroy@local1826.com, Pof2424@aol.com, mstrauss@pa.net, lbf415@dejazzd.com, smendoffjr@aol.com, fgassert@pa.net, mstrauss@pa.net, trhen@nbn.net, justborry@desupernet.net, jonmad@yahoo.com, mjdaub@webtv.net, lbf440@nbn.net, rsmith426@nbn.net, jwalmerlbf@yahoo.com, aaron_e_22@yahoo.com, carehunt@yahoo.com, rmoore184@home.com, Kat03142@prodigy.net, RMGFL@msn.com, tpietrusie@aol.com, harlowt@intelos.net, firedvp8@profirefighter.com, Squad51365@aol.com, FireMedic149@aol.com, zollman@mediaone.net, ncsaryevl@aol.com, WishIWuzFishin33@aol.com, Cash24n1@aol.com, mholobinko@aol.com, balthous@mediaone.net, RainbowLove2311@AOL.com, Primmer97@aol.com, wahlig@esterofire.org, IVBolus@aol.com, MACCHIA8998@msn.com, shaunacy@aol.com, pepe816@aol.com, andyt@peganet.com, beckerhsd@earthlink.net, artasylum2@AOL.com, MACCHIA8998@msn.com, shaunacy@aol.com, pepe816@aol.com, andyt@peganet.com, beckerhsd@earthlink.net, artasylum2@AOL.com, CCEMS127@aol.com, resqfred@AOL.com, medickat@hotmail.com, pj121562@aol.com, PaulW53020@aol.com, richdo@compuserve.com, fyremedic24911@aol.com, dazry@AOL.com, sandypitts@Naples.net, sjwernert72@hotmail.com, gold46405@AOL.com, Mutton142@AOL.com, trcoulter@aol.com, TOMFFEMTP@email.msn.com, tbuck08@AOL.com, Feyfollow@aol.com, vairovane@yahoo.com, shtgnmary@AOL.com, gdewitt3444@hotmail.com, leroy@local1826.com, Pof2424@aol.com, shocker122@netzero.net, pook262@aol.com, Dett69@aol.com, tchrist14@hotmail.com, Tommylentz@hotmail.com, fire1088@aol.com, cbauchert@msn.com, cdgstring@earthlink.net, BigDave1520@aol.com, HOBOTN@aol.com, Webmaster@local1826.com, Workn4aliv@aol.com, Rickyjd65@aol.com, ctkt@peganet.com, 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Israel Could Soon Destroy Iran's Nukes
08.02.04 (3:01 pm)   [edit]
Israel, U.S. conduct successful test of Arrow missile
By Amos Harel

Israel and the United States held a successful test of the Arrow anti-ballistic missile system off the coast of California yesterday.

The Defense Ministry announced that the Arrow successfully intercepted an incoming Scud missile over the Pacific Ocean, while it was still in flight. This realistic test of the Arrow ABM system was the first of its kind, and had been planned for two years.

Israel developed the $2.2 billion Arrow with American assistance in response to the failure of American Patriot missiles to down the 39 Iraqi Scuds fired at Israel during the 1991 Gulf War.

At approximately 8:25 P.M. Israel time, a Scud missile, confiscated by the United States from Iraq, was launched from a U.S. Naval Air Warfare Center at Point Magu near Los Angeles. The Scud was identified by the system's radar, Green Pine, which directed an Arrow missile to the target. The Arrow intercepted the Scud fully.

This "realistic scenario could not be carried out in Israel because of safety reasons," the Defense Ministry announcement explained.

Defense Minister Shaul Mofaz described the results of the test as "further proof of the technological superiority of Israel's defense industries."

"We are in an age of uncertainty. Countries in the `third circle' [Iran] are continuing their efforts to acquire nonconventional capabilities along with long-range launch capabilities," he added.

Green Pine and the seven-meter-long Arrow missiles are designed to track and destroy incoming threats in under three minutes at altitudes of more than 50 kilometers. Independent experts have estimated the Arrow's success rate at 95 percent, but some doubt whether it would be reliable against a salvo of Iran's most advanced missiles, the Shahab-3.

The Iranian missile travels nearly three times as fast as a Scud and considerably faster than the missiles the Arrow system was designed to intercept.
However, Arrow engineers say the system marks a quantum advance over the Patriot, an anti-aircraft system imperfectly adapted to down ballistic missiles such as Scuds, which travel faster than planes but are unable to reach space.

Aryeh Herzog, who is in charge of the project for the Defense Ministry and the Israel Air Force, said: "We are all happy. The operational implication [of the test] is that the Air Force has an exceptional system. We have known it all along, but now we have added proof. We will continue development. We want to achieve capabilities against future threats, such as those being developed in Iran."

This was the twelfth test of the Arrow missile and the seventh of the overall system, which includes the Green Pine radar.
2 Comments
 
John Kerry's Downward Bounce
08.02.04 (2:56 pm)   [edit]
For very good reason, the rule of thumb is that a presidential candidate gains ground following his party’s convention: It almost always happens.

It happened four years ago, despite Al Gore’s nearly incoherent rant. It happened in 1984, after Walter Mondale reaffirmed his pledge to raise taxes. It even happened for Jimmy Carter in 1980 after a brutal civil war with Ted Kennedy.

But it didn’t happen for John Kerry.

According to the USA Today/CNN/Gallup poll, conducted Friday and Saturday, Kerry lost a total swing of 5 points from the week before head-to-head against Bush. Kerry declined 1 point, from 47 to 46%, and Bush bumped up 4 points, from 46 to 50%.

Heading into the convention, fully one-third of voters told pollsters that they didn’t know enough about Kerry. After a week of exposure to him and the Democratic Party, voters clearly didn’t like what they saw.

Despite the glittering pronouncements of greatness from the chattering class while the auditorium was still packed (Howard Kurtz covers this well), the poll results should hardly be surprising.

Face it. The speech stunk.

Any number of Democrats I chatted with Thursday night in Boston roughly held the same view: The speech was garbage, yet the delivery was decent—for Kerry. Not even the party faithful were revved by Kerry’s address.

Who could blame them, though? What it lacked in subtlety and organization, it made up for with pomposity and bloviating.

Before the audience had even had time to sit down, Kerry had already reminded us how literate he is, never mind that he bastardized the very meaning of Thomas Wolfe’s classic. There was also the pearl of wisdom where he reminded folks, “That flag up there. We call her Old Glory.” Thank you, John Kerry.

Without any thematic structure to tie together many disparate points, Kerry’s meandering 55-minute address felt impossibly longer. It veered from autobiography to targeted digs at Bush to a detailed recitation of policy prescriptions.

Weirdest was his at attempt at humanizing himself. Never has someone recounting personal details felt so impersonal. The entire section was overtly mechanical, an offensively obvious ploy to portray himself as just another American. He was a Cub Scout, his mother a Girl Scout, and his father a State Department diplomat. Yep, John Kerry, average Joe.

His mother, he told us, “[W]as the rock of our family, as so many mothers are.” His father, as it happens, “did the things that a boy remembers.” And for good measure, the young diplomat’s son, “like all children, found the world full of wonders and mysteries.”

That normal kid, we soon learned, grew up to become a “young prosecutor” who “made prosecuting violence against women a priority.” And as a Senator, he “fought to put 100,000 police officers on the streets of America.”

And lest we forget he served in Vietnam. Then again, how could we with well over a dozen references to it?

Toward the end of his marathon speech, Kerry mixed Clinton-style biographies of suffering Americans with an insufferable laundry list of specific policy priorities.

Recalling McGovern and LBJ, rather than Clinton or JFK, Kerry’s policy agenda consisted of making America “respected in the world,” curtailing free trade, nationalizing health care, raising taxes, building fewer prisons, spending more on Head Start, and two separate calls for shelling out more for after-school programs.

Somehow absent was any reference to the liberation of Iraqis or Afghans, the prospect of freedom in the Arab world, or even a coherent vision for executing the war on terror.

It was all too much to bear. I’m not speaking of ordinary people or curious voters. I’m talking about Democrats at the Fleet Center who were kept out of the auditorium for crowd control reasons.

Sitting in radio row during Kerry’s speech—I was doing running commentary on WABC during the long applauses, which got fewer and fewer as the speech wore on—I witnessed a group crowded around a television about thirty feet away.

At the speech’s start, the group of 20 or so party activists were hooping and hollering. They were ecstatic. Thirty minutes in, at least one-third of them had wandered off and the excitement level had waned to the occasional smattering of applause. Moments before the pundits were instantly hailing Kerry’s supposedly brilliant speech, more than half of the hard-core Democrats had vanished.

That Kerry thinks he can keep a non-captive audience at attention for 55 dreary minutes is indicative of his incredible self-worth and provides more than a glimpse of his immense unlikeability.

One wonders if his dreadful post-convention poll numbers will be enough to pierce Kerry’s arrogance. If the numbers alone don’t, maybe he should consider this: the last Democrat to get no “bounce” from a convention was George McGovern in 1972.

Joel Mowbray is author of Dangerous Diplomacy: How the State Department Threatens America’s Security.
1 Comments
 
Multiculturalism Starts Losing Its Luster
08.02.04 (2:47 pm)   [edit]
Theodore Dalrymple email article
respond to article

Multiculturalism rests on the supposition—or better, the dishonest pretense—that all cultures are equal and that no fundamental conflict can arise between the customs, mores, and philosophical outlooks of two different cultures. The multiculturalist preaches that, in an age of mass migration, society can (and should) be a kind of salad bowl, a receptacle for wonderful exotic ingredients from around the world, the more the better, each bringing its special flavor to the cultural mix. For the salad to be delicious, no ingredient should predominate and impose its flavor on the others.

Even as a culinary metaphor, this view is wrong: every cook knows that not every ingredient blends with every other. But the spread and influence of an idea is by no means necessarily proportional to its intrinsic worth, including (perhaps especially) among those who gain their living by playing with ideas, the intelligentsia.

Reality, though, has a way of revenging itself upon the frivolous, and September 11 has seemingly concentrated minds a little. Some signs indicate that in Blairite Britain the pieties of multiculturalism, for years an official orthodoxy, are beginning to face a challenge.

The Home Secretary, David Blunkett, for example, recently declaimed that immigrants to Britain should learn English. Blunkett made this heterodox suggestion in response to riotous clashes in northern England between white youths and Muslim youths of Pakistani descent. Liberals predictably decried his comments as tactless at best and proto-fascist at worst. Didn’t they give succor to the vicious xenophobic elements in British society, perhaps even portending a new dark age of intolerance?

In fact, Blunkett’s remarks were both on and off the mark. Doubtless, all of the rioting Muslim youths spoke English. Hardly any British-born young men and women of South Asian descent do not speak it—though some, given the undemanding British school system, speak it poorly. So it is not true, as Blunkett implied, that a failure to learn English was to blame for the rioters’ aggrieved sense of being unequal citizens in British society.

Yet Blunkett was right in other respects. Though the rioting youths could speak English, the brides they would bring back from Pakistan would not—and, furthermore, never would. Many women I have encountered as patients who came to Britain from Pakistan 30 years ago, at 16 or 18, still know little English—but not from any unwillingness to learn. Their husbands actively prevented them from learning the language, to make sure that they would stay enclosed in a ghetto and not get any ideas above their station. The same rioting youths who protested British society’s failure to accept them as equal citizens have themselves sought to reproduce the unequal social patterns of rural Pakistan, half a world away, because it suited them to do so.

Multiculturalism encourages this stance. If all cultures are equal, and none has the right to impose its standards on any other, what is wrong with the immigrant ghettos that have emerged, where the population (that is to say, the male population) enjoys, de facto, extraterritorial rights? If it is the custom of their ancestral culture to keep girls out of school and force them into marriages that they do not want and to confiscate the passports that the British government issues them for their personal use, what can a multiculturalist object without asserting the superiority of his own values?

Giving further weight to Blunkett’s remarks is the silliness of the government language practices that multiculturalism has spawned. For example, one can take the driver’s license test in Britain in a startling variety of languages. Spoken instructions come even in the various dialects of Albanian, Kurdish, and Lingala. For the written part, test takers need not know how to read the Latin alphabet (that would be discriminatory): officials provide the questions in the script of your choice. Never mind that traffic signs are still in English.

Nor is the driver’s test anomalous. Government pamphlets, including those concerning health and social-security benefits, now routinely appear in myriad languages—at public expense. When I went to vote in the local elections not long ago, I saw notices in various Indian languages and in Vietnamese explaining how to cast a vote. And at my local airport, the sign directing travelers to the line for returning British passport holders is written not only in English, but in Bengali, Hindi, Punjabi, and Urdu (each with its own script): proof that the granting of citizenship requires no proficiency in the national language.

These practices send the message that newcomers to Britain have no obligation to learn English—indeed, that the obligation is the other way around: that the British state must make itself clear in Arabic, Farsi, Russian, Somali, Swahili, and many other languages. British officialdom doubtless does not know that the confusion of languages after the Tower of Babel fell was meant as a punishment.

In today’s multicultural climate, the general population, it seems, has the duty to be familiar with the immigrant tongues, too. My local public schools now teach Bengali and Urdu, so that the “local” (i.e., white) population may learn to mix better with the immigrant population. While I have no objection to the children of immigrants speaking their parents’ native tongue at home, or to the private decision of anyone to master any language he chooses, a private choice is very different from the government’s ideological decision to offer such languages (of minor global importance) in the state schools. How not to see such a decision as deliberately subversive of belief in the primacy of European culture—with which, after all, the immigrants have chosen to throw in their lot?

Clumsy as Blunkett may have been, then, he has drawn attention to an important issue—one that makes clear what an absurd and at heart insincere doctrine multiculturalism is. Yet it is also a dangerous doctrine, inspiring policies certain to maintain minorities in their impoverishment, stoke their resentment, and exacerbate racial tensions—while providing employment for a growing number of bureaucrats.

Another Blairite who once uncritically espoused multicultural pieties has recently undergone a conversion: Commission for Racial Equality chairman Trevor Phillips. In an interview with the London Times, Phillips, a black born in Guyana, argued that England should abandon the whole concept of multiculturalism, since it was doing more harm than good. Officials should even stop using the word itself, he added.

Phillips noted that Britain has a long and mostly distinguished history of accepting people to its shores and integrating them into its national life, while at the same time deriving benefits from whatever skills they may have brought with them. Britishness has been a cultural, and not a racial or biological, concept with a tradition of tolerance, compromise, civility, gentlemanly reserve, respect for privacy, individuality (evident as far back as Chaucer’s time), a ready acceptance of and even affection for eccentricity, a belief in the rule of law, a profound sense of irony, and a desire for fair play: in short, the common decency that Orwell wrote of so eloquently.

Utopian intellectuals, including the theorists of multiculturalism, deride many of these now-weakened British characteristics, on the grounds that they were never universal among the population (but what characteristics are?) and had more drawbacks than advantages. But Britain’s common decency proved self-evident to generations of immigrants and refugees, among them my mother, who, arriving in Britain from Germany in 1938, noticed them instantly, to her relief and great admiration.

My family history attests further to British society’s generous capacity to absorb. My father, whose immigrant parents never learned to speak English well, attended a slum school during and just after World War I, with classmates so poor that they went hungry and barefoot. Despite his background, my father found himself inducted into British culture by teachers who did not believe that the ability to understand and appreciate Milton or Shakespeare, or to make a contribution to national life, depended on social class, or required roots in the soil going back before the Norman conquest. His teachers had the same faith in the liberating power of high culture, in its universal value and appeal, that many British workers then shared. As historian Jonathan Rose has beautifully demonstrated in The Intellectual Life of the British Working Classes, many ordinary English workingmen, who led lives of sometimes numbing toil and financial hardship, nevertheless devoted much of their little spare time and tiny wages to improving their lives by strenuous reading of good literature, of whose transcendent value they had no doubt—a faith borne out by the success many of them attained in later years.

My father’s teachers were the only people I ever heard him mention with unqualified admiration and gratitude. And he was right to do so: their philosophy was infinitely more generous than that of the multiculturalists who succeeded them. They had no desire to enclose my father in the world that his parents had fled. And they understood that for society to avoid bitter internal conflicts, everyone had to share important elements of culture and historical knowledge that would result in a shared identity. Not by chance did Trevor Phillips regret 80 years later that teachers were instructing children less and less in the great works of English literature, especially Shakespeare—a deprivation wrought not because teachers were complying with any spontaneous demand from below, but because they were implementing the theories of elite educationists, especially the multiculturalists.

Phillips rightly pointed out that English literature is the perfect vehicle for promoting a shared identity. Not to teach Shakespeare or other giants of British culture is to provide no worthwhile tradition with which the increasingly diverse population can identify. Without such a tradition, nothing deeper than the ephemeral products of popular culture will be on hand to unite that population, even as profound cultural differences divide it. A shared culture consisting of nothing but pop ephemera will likely arouse the justified contempt of immigrants and their children, driving them into ethnic, cultural, or ideological enclaves in search of something more mentally and spiritually nourishing—thereby increasing social tensions, sometimes disastrously.

The shared identity that my father’s teachers believed in was not an imposed uniformity, as present-day critics allege; they did not seek to turn out mental clones. Far from it. Part of that shared identity—a source of pride—was inventiveness and freedom of thought, the permission for the mind to voyage forever on strange seas of thought alone (as Wordsworth described Newton). And this shared identity relieved those who participated in it of the need to cling too strongly to other, potentially conflicting, identities. The national identity was strong but loose, permitting a great deal of personal freedom and give-and-take—much more so, usually, than the ethnic identities that immigrants bring with them. Freedom of religious belief was complete, as was practice, provided that it complied with the law and claimed no special privileges for itself. Induction into British culture did not fetter or circumscribe the immigrant, therefore, any more than speaking English determines what anyone has to say.

Britain’s openness is precisely what made it so attractive to immigrants. While by no means without blemish, Britain’s history of openness (compared with most societies) goes back a long way, and it has allowed many groups of newcomers to become national assets. The Huguenots, for example, immensely enriched British cultural and economic life. Before their arrival, all silk in Britain came from France; after their arrival, most French silk came from Britain. In time, the Huguenots became intensely British—is any writer more British than De Quincey?—but for many years they had their own churches, and some spoke French at home until well into the nineteenth century.

It was this tradition of integration that Phillips eloquently invoked in his interview. Since the chairmen of quasi-governmental bodies such as his are not known for speaking courageously out of turn, his words most likely reflected the thinking of the government, alarmed at the extent of sympathy in the Muslim population for the September 11 terrorists.

Phillips failed to mention one vital difference between previous and contemporary influxes into Britain, however. The relative tolerance and flexibility that he praises were spontaneous, informal, and undirected, without official interference. It simply never occurred to anyone in my father’s day that the children of immigrants should or would have a fundamentally different culture from that of the larger population, or that they would have any cultural peculiarities or sensibilities that needed catering to. They would be British without qualification. These immigrants, of course, arrived during a prolonged era of national self-confidence, when Britain was either a rising or a risen power. The generosity of my father’s teachers grew out of pride in their culture and country.

Since then, much has changed. We live in a time of deep mistrust of spontaneous, undirected social processes—a mistrust of which Phillips’s organization is one symptom. The Commission for Racial Equality that he chairs believes that racial prejudice and unfairness can only be eradicated if the government ceaselessly monitors racial statistics for inequalities (several organizations that I belong to repeatedly try to extract from me my “ethnic” group, though I refuse to answer). Paradoxically, the commission simultaneously denies, at least in theory, any underlying reality to the racial and ethnic categories into which it divides people for monitoring purposes, since it takes for granted that any low levels in achievement among the monitored racial groups must result from prejudice alone, not from any differences in the attitude or behavior of those groups. Without official bureaucratic interference, in this view, society will remain mired in racial prejudice. Minorities will stagnate or even retrogress.

In addition, confidence in Britain’s historical and cultural record, as embodying anything worthwhile, let alone uniquely valuable, has all but vanished. Those things that the nation once glorified it now derides and satirizes. Not so long ago, the prime minister attacked the very notion that the British past held anything worth preserving, the “forces of conservatism” being for him a synonym for evil. Reality has, belatedly, taught him otherwise.

No doubt the shift in attitude partly results from the collapse of British power and the nation’s long retreat from world importance. But it also results from the growth of the intellectual class, whose livelihood depends on ceaseless carping. Thanks to the intellectuals, for instance, the teaching of history has become an ideological minefield, with grievance groups demanding that their ancestors’ suffering enjoy special status in the narrative. And if British history and culture are nothing but the story of internal and external oppression, of injustice and exploitation, why should those who come to these shores learn our national traditions and culture? Much better for them just to keep their own. One professor of race relations, Bikhu Parekh, has even suggested that Britain should change its name, which has so many negative historical connotations for millions around the world. Now that Britain has become so ineradicably multicultural, he says, there is no justification for it to be “British” any more.

Such fatuities are likely, and perhaps are intended, to produce an extreme reaction from the native-born population, demonstrating that the original contention was correct: that the British tradition is simply one of violent intolerance and oppression—from which we need such luminaries as the professor, wielding coercive administrative powers, to deliver us.

A new mass immigration to Britain from every region of the globe, in which the differences between the immigrants and the host population are profound, has occurred precisely at the moment when the multiculturalists have helped undermine the capacity of British culture to absorb them, in the hope that “a community of communities” (to use Parekh’s phrase) would emerge: in short, that the lion of the Somali tribal ethic would somehow lie down with the lamb of the British law.

To be sure, many people flee their homelands to live under our rule of law. Among my patients are some refugees, most of them people of intelligence, drive, and clear-sightedness. They have no doubts about the benefits of the rule of law, having experienced the opposite in their own flesh and blood. They know what a relief it is not to fear the nocturnal knock at the door and to pass a man in uniform without trembling with anxiety.

They know also that the rule of law is an historical achievement, not the natural state of man. It is a pleasure to hear my refugee patients descant on that great historical achievement. Because of their own experience, they do not take it for granted. They know that it arose from a long philosophical and political development, one unique in world history. They know that it is a fragile achievement and easily destroyed.

Recently, a highly intelligent Iranian refugee consulted me. The medical part of the consultation over, we began to chat about Iranian affairs. He was a political philosopher not by training or inclination but by experience and necessity. He felt that, in the end, the clerical regime had done an immense service to the cause of political secularism in Iran, because even previously religious people now deeply opposed clerical rule. The clerics had done more damage to the cause of Islam among the Iranian population by their brutality and corruption than the infidels could ever inflict. His problem, of course, was that he lived in the personal short term, not the historical long run.

He appreciated deeply the British institutions that now protected him. He had experienced occasional hostility from individual Britons, but he realized that it was the product of ineradicable human nature, not of official malice. Above all, he said, Britain had a different history from Iran’s—of struggle no doubt, but also of compromise—which allowed us to take our liberty for granted (a dangerous thing to do). It was, he said, a very valuable and inspiring history. What impressed him first when he arrived was how everyone just assumed that he could say what he liked, without fear of retribution—a freedom above price. But he recognized that he could only be part of that worthy society if he chose to fit in, abandoning any aspects of his Iranian culture incompatible with it, which he was only too happy to do. The fundamental demands and responsibilities, he felt, were upon the immigrant, not upon the host country.

It would be vain to suggest that all immigrants are as conscious of these demands and responsibilities as he. And if we are to avoid violently disaffected and resentful ethnic enclaves in our midst, we need to teach immigrants that the freedom, prosperity, and tolerance that they enjoy result from a long spiritual and cultural development, not to be taken for granted, and that they have a magnificence and grandeur.

In the modern multicultural climate, though, there is no quick way of doing this. Because of the ideological cacophony that drowns out this cardinal, though obvious, message, it is impossible to relay it unselfconsciously, as my father’s teachers had done. Nor would one wish the message to harden into an official dogma: the answer to a false orthodoxy is not another orthodoxy that denies contrary evidence. We must persuade, not coerce or indoctrinate, and to do so we must first disabuse our intellectuals of the notion—frivolous but damaging—that society should be a cultural salad.
2 Comments
 
JOHN GLENN ON THE SENATE FLOOR
08.02.04 (1:36 pm)   [edit]
Some people still don't understand why military personnel do what they do for a living.

This exchange between Senators John Glenn and
Sen. Howard Metzenbaum is worth reading. Not only is it a pretty impressive impromptu speech, but it's also a good example of one man's explanation of why men and women in the Armed Services do what they do for a living. This IS a typical, though sad, example of what some who have never served think of the Military.

Senator Metzenbaum to Senator Glenn: "How can you run for Senate when you've never held a "real job?"

Senator Glenn: "I served 23 years in the United States Marine Corps. I served through two wars. I flew 149 missions. My plane was hit by antiaircraft fire on 12 different occasions. I was in the Space Program. It wasn't my checkbook, Howard; it was my Life on the line. It was not a nine to five job, where I took time off
to take the daily cash receipts to the bank. I ask you to go with me ... as I went the other day... to a Veterans Hospital and look those men - with their mangled bodies - in the eye, and tell THEM they didn't hold a job!

You go with me to the Space Program at NASA and go, as I have gone, to the widows and orphans of Ed White, Gus Grissom and Roger Chaffee ..and you look those kids in the eye and tell them that their DADS didn't hold a job.

You go with me on Memorial Day and you stand in Arlington National Cemetery, where I have more friends buried than I'd like to remember, and you watch those waving flags. You stand there, and you think about this Nation, and you tell ME that those people didn't have a job?

I'll tell you, Howard Metzenbaum, you should be on your knees every day of your life thanking God that there were some men - SOME MEN - who held REAL jobs. And they required a dedication to a purpose -
and a love of country and a dedication to duty - that was more important than life itself. And their self-sacrifice is what made this country possible. I HAVE held a job, Howard! What about you?"

For those who don't remember - During W.W.II, Howard Metzenbaum was an attorney representing the Communist Party in the USA. Now he is a Senator!

If you can read this, thank a teacher.... If you are reading it in English, thank a Veteran.
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Congressional Hearings on Selling Baby Body Parts
08.02.04 (10:47 am)   [edit]
Johansen, Jay
Publication Date: 2000
Click here for a Printable PDF version of this file


A Congressional hearing on the sale of body parts from aborted babies went very badly for the pro-life side when the star witness was made to look foolish.

Lawrence Alberty was a medical technician for a company called the Anatomic Gift Foundation. His job was to dissect aborted babies to "harvest" their organs for sale to medical researchers. But one day the abortionist brought him twins who, as he later described it, were "cuddling each other and gasping for breath". When he pointed out to the abortionist that they were still alive, the abortionist poured water into the pan they were in and drowned them. He decided he couldn't stomach this job anymore, and ended up telling his story to Life Dynamics, a pro-life organization. He then spent two years "under cover" collecting documentation of practices like this.

But at the hearing on March 9, 2000 opponents pointed out contradictions in statements he had made at different times, and he was forced to admit that he had exaggerated some of the facts that he told to Life Dynamics. This seriously damaged his credibility. Other accusations that might have been brushed off were then given added weight, like the fact that he was paid $10,000 by Life Dynamics for his two years of undercover work, or that he did not personally witness any money for body parts actually changing hands.

The embarrassment of Mr. Alberty was cleverly used to gloss over the fact that, while he might have stretched the truth to make his story sound more dramatic, the core of his charges are backed up by documentary evidence. Committee members were shown a price list from one company listing specific body parts, like "Eyes ... $75", or "Brain ... $999" with an offer of a "30% discount if significantly fragmented". An advertisement promised "Fresh fetal tissue harvested and shipped to your specifications, where and when you need it!", and "All that you need to initiate service is a purchase order number, payment type, and your billing address."

The committee had also subpoenaed Dr Miles Jones to appear. Jones had appeared on ABC's "20/20" where he was caught on a hidden camera boasting about how much money he made selling fetal parts, and commenting that he would like to move his business to Mexico where he could set up what he called "the equivalent of the invention of the assembly line". But Jones never showed up. The committee voted unanimously to cite him for contempt, a federal crime punishable by a $1000 fine and a year in jail. He later explained that he was treating patients at the time and couldn't make it.

Another person suspected of being involved in selling baby parts, James Bardsley, voluntarily agreed to testify, and so the committee did not subpoena him. He didn't show up either.

Pro-abortion members of the committee had originally tried to make the hearings closed to the public, but this effort was beaten back.

The FBI has announced that it has begun an investigation. Under present US law, while it is legal to "harvest" body parts from aborted babies, this cannot be done for profit: the harvester may only charge amounts necessary to cover their expenses.

Created 11 April 2000.

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Looking Back and Looking Ahead
08.02.04 (10:42 am)   [edit]
When future generations look back at us, what will they see? They will see a society that prided itself on being humane and concerned for human rights, but one that also engaged in the practice of killing small children by dismemberment or poisoning/burning. It did not do this to all its children, just certain ones, who were still in the first phase of their lives. It was a practice called abortion.

One would think that such a practice, with its ghastly methods, would be outlawed. It was not; it was perfectly legal. In fact the individual states were forbidden by the Supreme Court to outlaw it and protect these children. Many in the society welcomed this, for they wanted to keep the practice "safe" and legal. Didn't they find it odd to refer to a practice that destroys little children as "safe"?

It was a society that held up very high standards in condemning discrimination against people merely because they were in some way different from those who happened to be the majority, such as in skin color. But it was also a society that treated some of its members very differently from others because they were different: much smaller, much more dependent than the majority, and not in a familiar environment. They were treated differently in that they could be killed if they did not fit into others' plans.

Perhaps that was part of the explanation why a practice that kills a child was called safe: the child doesn't count as a real person because she is different (too small, etc.). In other cases such an attitude would be vigorously condemned as discrimination. Here it was approved, and often strongly supported. Laws that allowed people to murder babies were called liberal, while in other contexts that term referred (among other things) to the protection of those who could not protect themselves.

The child was not taken seriously as a real person. Perhaps that explains how those who favored this practice would vigorously defend "a woman's right to choose." They called themselves "Pro-Choice," thus conveniently avoiding any reference to the killing of the child. They would ordinarily defend choice only in personal matters that did not adversely affect others. They would never defend a right to choose to kill a person, or to discriminate against a person.

It was a society that itself looked back on a horror scene, a holocaust where some six million people were exterminated. It was aghast at what it saw, and kept saying "Never again!" It did not see that essentially the same thing was going on in its own neighborhoods.1

This is what they will see. What will they say? Probably many things. One of them being, "Why didn't those people who did see abortion for what it is do something?" That brings us back to the present, where we can look ahead to the future. For us the question is: what must we do now to end the mass abortion killings? Let me suggest the following Call to Action.

We must awaken the American people to what is happening. Two things should be stressed: the reality of the child and how abortion kills the child, the ghastly methods and their results. A major part of this education campaign should be pictures of the child. In so many cases, seeing is believing. If a woman sees her child, she may change her mind about having an abortion. Dr. Bernard Nathanson discusses an article in the New England Journal of Medicine, which reported an interview:

Two women in the early part of pregnancy ... were privileged to watch their infants on an ultrasound screen. The women were asked if they would still entertain the thought of abortion after having seen their babies move, breathe, and do all those inexpressibly endearing things that all babies do, born or unborn. Both women categorically rejected the abortion option, one stating: "I feel that it is human. It belongs to me. I couldn't have an abortion now."

We must stress that abortion is not a private matter. Joseph Scheidler urges us to "develop an educational program that concentrates on the unborn child as an unseen victim. It is essential that this victim becomes a real person in the mind of the community. The more the unborn is acknowledged, the less tolerant the community will be of taking that person's life."

Why do those who support abortion not see its victim as a real person? I think a major factor is prejudice. We must work to overcome this prejudice where it exists, and a good first step is to understand it. Germain Grisez, in his excellent treatise, "Abortion and Prejudice against the Unborn" explains: "Prejudice takes advantage of a difference" between "those who are prejudiced" and "those against whom there is prejudice." Those who are prejudiced are so for "an intelligible motive" that explains the "development and persistence" of the prejudice. For abortion there is an obvious motive: the desire to terminate an unwanted pregnancy.


While prejudiced people are not simply dishonest, they act as if they suspected the truth and were trying to avoid facing it. People who are racially prejudiced do not like to be shown facts and have a hard time following arguments that might dislodge their prejudice. This resistance is always surprising, especially when it is encountered (as often happens) in persons who are extremely perceptive and logical in other matters.
The same applies to prejudice against the unborn. Further, "a system built on prejudice is never consistent." People who are pro-abortion are generally very strongly opposed to racial prejudice. Perhaps that helps to assure them that they themselves can't be prejudiced. But, in fact, prejudice is a universal human danger, which any of us can fall into.

To speak of prejudice here is not to level a charge against persons who favor abortion; it is simply a way of trying to understand an aspect of the pro-abortion mentality. How can people favor allowing babies to be killed? The viewpoint of prejudice helps to provide an answer.

There is also, I think, the fact that many people do not support abortion as a conclusion from a process of reasoning. Rather, they first decide that abortion is necessary or desirable, then find reasons to support this view. One such reason is the so-called unreality of the "fetus" as a person. That, in turn, is a prejudice against the unborn.

In addition to those who explicitly favor abortion, there is a large majority who are complacent. They are in between, neither actively pro-abortion nor filled with outrage at this horror. They must be awakened to a response of outrage, and inspired to form a movement to end this mass killing. They must come to see abortion in a new way. According to Brennan:


As long as abortion remains at the psychologically-remote and abstract level of removing insignificant tissue or contents from the womb, not that many people are likely to get upset. The holocaust perspective, on the other hand, possesses a tremendous potential for breaking through this facade and revealing the harsh realities of large-scale killing, whatever the historical period of their perpetration, and whether the victims be born or unborn. Only when people are allowed access to the concrete, emotionally repugnant facts of unborn baby killing will they be filled with outrage and motivated to demand an end to the destruction .

One of the most important tasks is devising ways of reaching the American people with a message to awaken them to the reality of the child-killing that is politely referred to as abortion.

Perhaps a mass mailing can be arranged. A vital part of this message is a call to action: "If you are outraged at abortion, then ________," specifying what a person should do.


We must prepare a program of political action for ending the mass killing. We must prepare bills to be introduced in Congress. We must devise strategies for reversing court decisions that protect the alleged right to kill instead of the rights of the victim.8 We can then focus people's energy into specific programs: support this bill, call this government official, etc.

In pursuing the first two steps, our objective must be clear: full membership of preborn children in the community (full status as persons and full protection under the law). There can be no compromise on this. The child can never be killed to benefit the woman or others, any more than the woman or others could be killed to benefit the child.

It is essential that legal protection for preborn persons be written into the Constitution, so that no future court or legislature can ever deprive them of it again. There must be a Constitutional amendment that specifically states that preborn children are persons and entitled to full legal protection. Three elements are essential:

One, the amendment must restore personhood to the unborn child. Two, it must clearly apply from the beginning of life, conception-fertilization. Three, its prohibition of abortion-killing must contain no exceptions.


It will be said that this objective cannot be achieved all at once. If this is so, we should work in stages, doing what we can at each stage and continuing until our task is complete. It is important to be clear on the difference between this approach and one that accepts compromises.

We might, for example, start out with a law that bans saline abortions: they are so horrible that it is hard to believe they are used, and even sanctioned by law. Someone who is unclear whether or not the "fetus" is a person could still see the horror of doing this to any living creature, for whom the evidence (presence of nerve endings, etc.) is overwhelming that it feels excruciating pain, and for a considerable time. A law banning the saline method would not condone other abortions; it would simply not mention them. Once this is accomplished, we must work in stages to forbid other types of abortion as well.

Working for such a law does not constitute a compromise on principle. It means climbing the first rung of a ladder before climbing the second. If abortions that cause more pain are greater evils than those that cause less pain (or no pain), we should outlaw the greater evil if we cannot outlaw both evils. Incomplete laws are better than no law at all.

However, we must not compromise, allowing an incomplete law that would eliminate or seriously reduce the chances of a complete law later. We must never say that a little bit of murder is acceptable. No murder is acceptable. We must constantly work towards eliminating all abortions.

People who do not understand that a very early abortion is wrong will usually see the wrongness of a late abortion. There are parallel examples in which the wrongness of some abortions is easier to see than that of others. Thus, if we can convince people that certain abortions should be prohibited, we should do so; and then continue our efforts to extend this to all other abortions as well.

Keeping in mind, then, the temporary character of these stages, let me suggest some examples of them.

A law, or court ruling, that allows protection for the child; then one that requires it.
A ban on all third trimester abortions, then second then first; or, a ban on killing a viable child, then a previable child.

A ban on abortions that cause the worst pain or are more likely to cause pain; then, a ban on others.
A ban on all surgical abortions and abortion pills (e.g., RU486); then, one on abortifacients.

A denial that there is any right to an abortion. This would mean prohibiting all abortions other than the hard cases (rape, incest, health and life of the woman); then, prohibiting these as well. The first stage would eliminate about ninety-seven percent of all abortions, a great first step, but only a first step.

These five items refer to eliminating all abortions, stage by stage. The remaining nine concern abortions that remain at any stage short of the final stage. They are aimed at reducing the harm done to the child, to the woman, and to the family; at curtailing the number of abortions; and at lessening the inherent evil of abortion (e.g., by banning government funding). There should be no abortions at all, at least no legal abortions, but as long as it is impossible to ban all legal abortions, those that occur must include:


Anesthesia for the child in all cases where there is even a slight chance of pain for the child.
An informed consent requirement. Any person considering a medical procedure has a right to a full disclosure concerning what that procedure involves and what its possible consequences are. It can be expected that this requirement will significantly reduce the number of abortions. The full disclosure should include all relevant information about the effects of the abortion: (A) What the child looks like, her status of development. (B) What abortion does to the child, the methods of abortion, the high probability of terrible pain for the child, and the length of time of the procedure. (C) What abortion can do to the woman, short term and long term, physically, psychologically, and in regard to future pregnancies: how it can effect her relationships with others. (D) Where applicable, the hazards of eugenic abortions (for eliminating handicapped babies), especially amniocentesis.10 (E) Alternatives to abortion. (F) Support groups ready to help the woman continue a difficult pregnancy, especially by supporting her in the face of pressure by others to abort.
It is of the greatest importance that the woman be given this information honestly and objectively, that she be encouraged to ask questions. Any kind of pressure in the direction of abortion must be prohibited.

A forty-eight-hour waiting period before an abortion can be performed, so that the woman has time to change her mind. Many do. It is a tragedy when a woman is rushed into an abortion, one she may regret bitterly.
A requirement that in all live births, the child be given complete medical treatment to maximize his chances for survival and health.
Parental consent for minors, something required for all other medical treatments. Making an exception for abortion is outrageous.
Spousal consent for married women. Excluding the father is a terrible injustice. The father has obligations of child support; he should also have corresponding rights. For unmarried women, the right of legal intervention for the father of the child.
A ban on all government funding of abortion.
A ban on all other government participation in abortion. This includes a ban on: offering abortions at government facilities such as military bases, granting tax exempt status to organizations that promote or perform abortions, funding such organizations, promoting abortion in government-sponsored programs, such as family planning.
Other measures, such as a ban on all advertising for so-called abortion services, and excluding abortion from health insurance plans.
As many of these proposals as possible should be enacted concurrently, and coordinated with one another.


While working towards this objective, we must continue our efforts to save babies and their mothers from abortion. An excellent guide to this is Joseph Scheidler's book, Closed: 99 Ways to Stop Abortion. His first way is sidewalk counseling, in which pro-lifers go to abortion clinics "to intercede for the baby's life":

Sidewalk counseling is a method of saving babies by talking to their parents in front of the abortion clinic. It is probably the single most valuable activity that a pro-life person can engage in. When pro-lifers counsel in front of an abortion clinic, they are coming between the woman and the doctor, between the baby who is scheduled to be killed and the doctor who will do the killing.11
These efforts can be highly successful:

Women can be turned back. In Chicago, in one thirty day period, half a dozen sidewalk counselors at only a few clinics were able to stop ninety women from having abortions. Seventeen were stopped in a single morning at a clinic on Michigan Avenue. While a few of these women may have gone back to have their abortions later, more than ninety percent did not return and they kept in touch with the pro-life counseling center.12

As the title indicates, there are many things one can do to fight the evil of abortion. A sample of these include: The Counter-Demonstration, How to Get on Talk Shows, Aids to Effective Lobbying, Call their Bluff: the Legal Threat, and Warn the Garbage Man, "You're Hauling Corpses." All of these ways are non-violent, and there is a chapter, "Violence: Why It Won't Work."13

Besides Scheidler's suggestions, especially direct intervention on the sidewalk, there are several other specific things we should do:

We should support women with problem pregnancies. We should encourage them to keep their babies. If they are being pressured by others to kill their babies, we should offer them a haven of support and encouragement. In all these things there should be both spiritual and material assistance.

We should work to encourage adoption as an alternative to abortion for cases where the woman is unable to raise the child.14

We should be concerned with women who have had abortions.


If you or someone you love is suffering from the emotional or physical aftereffects Of abortion, you can find compassionate help and support from women who have been through the same experience by contacting any of the WEBA chapters in your state, or any of the other post-abortion counseling groups which are being formed. If WEBA is not listed in your phone directory, call one of your local or state right-to-life organizations and they will be able to give you a phone number for the post-abortion support group nearest you. Most of these groups have a hot-line that you can call to talk to a sympathetic, non-judgmental member at any time, whenever you need them.15
There is also a nationwide toll-free crisis hot line: 1-800-848-5683.

Abortion can be devastating to women, in many ways, as we have seen. We should continue our research into this: How many women suffer? From which problems? For how long? How severely? We should carefully examine the challenges of abortion defenders. Our aim must always be to find the truth.

We must warn women of the hazards of abortion. I see this as a task of the greatest importance. We must protect not only the child, but also the mother. This protection can come from the law, and from an awakened public that realizes the evil of abortion and condemns it. It can also come from an awareness of the terrible things abortion can do to women. The myth of "safe abortions" must be exposed for what it is. We must work towards a general awareness of the threat of abortion to women. "Having an abortion can be hazardous to your health" must become a household phrase.

Saving babies, supporting women before their decision and after it, these are our present tasks. Many organizations exist for these purposes; let us join them, or start new ones where there are none. We cannot merely be against abortion; we must be for the woman and her child, and we should translate this commitment into action. In fact, we are against abortion only because we are for the child and his mother.16


Through all this, we must see ourselves as advocates of the preborn child: voices for those who cannot speak for themselves, who are forgotten because they are unseen. Equally, we must be advocates of women, supporting and encouraging them. For both the child and the woman, we must promote adoption as an alternative to abortion.
These commitments must continue after we achieve our objective of fully recognized personhood for the child. That will be a major step, but it will not be the end of the road. The temptation to succumb to abortion will remain after it has been made illegal. The struggle for justice is an ongoing one.

Finally, I would like to suggest that we work to heal the wounds in our society resulting from the bitter struggle over abortion. If we affirm the personhood of the preborn child and the woman, we must also affirm the personhood of all those who advocate abortion. We must try to help them see abortion in a new way.
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When Does Human Life Begin? - No Such Thing as a "Fertilized Egg"
08.02.04 (10:35 am)   [edit]
Is the Zygote a Person?

Discussions of these matters often use the term fertilized egg or fertilized ovum. This is a serious mistake, for the result of conception is not a certain kind of egg, namely a fertilized egg, but a new human person.

After fertilization, the egg no longer exists, and is therefore not a kind of egg at all.

To speak of unfertilized eggs and fertilized eggs is to suggest that there are two kinds of eggs, as there are, for example, two kinds of tomatoes, unripe and ripe.

Both unripe and ripe tomatoes are really tomatoes; they are two variations of the same thing.

But unfertilized eggs and fertilized eggs are not variations of the same thing, but two realities that are radically different: one is a mere preparation for a person, and the other is that person himself.

The expression fertilized egg (or ovum) is also scientifically wrong.

The new human being is no more the egg fertilized than he is the sperm fertilized, or modified.

He is as little the one as the other, but a new being. The ovum is merely bigger than the sperm, hence the tendency to speak of it as a fertilized egg, but each contributes exactly one half to the genetic makeup of the new person. And in the process, each ceases to be.

Use of the term fertilized egg (or ovum) obscures the radical difference between egg, or ovum, and person.

It makes it seem as if there is merely a gradual transition, from one state of the egg (unfertilized) to another (fertilized), when in fact there is a radical break between non-person and person.

It also invites the question why we should respect and protect fertilized eggs when we do not accord such reverence to unfertilized eggs.?

Indeed it is hard to see why one state of an egg should be highly revered when another is not. The solution to all this is simple: the result of conception is not an egg, but (normally) a small human being.



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